Collected & edited by Amorin Mello

The legendary Gichi-miishen (Michel Cadotte, Sr.) passed away days before the 1837 Treaty of St Peters was signed.  One year later his son Michel Cadotte, Jr. and son-in-law Lyman M. Warren were both publicly arrested at the 1838 Annuity Payments in La Pointe, clouding their families’ 1827 Deed for Old La Pointe and 1834 Reinvention of La Pointe.

 



Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs:

La Pointe Agency 1831-1839

National Archives Identifier: 164009310



 

April 6, 1836
from La Pointe Indian Sub-agency
via Fort Snelling
to Commissioner of Indian Affairs
Received May 21, 1838
Answered May 22, 1838

 

Lapointe
April 6, 1838

 

C. A. Harris Esq’r

Com’r In Affs

Sir

I take the liberty of addressing you to ask whether in your opinion there is a probability that my salary can be increased by an act of Congress, or otherwise.  I make this enquiry because I feel desirous of keeping this office, and unless the salary can be increased I shall be compelled to resign; the great distance of this place from any market and the expenses of transporting property hither, together [with] the prohibition of entering into trade rendering it at present altogether insufficient.  A speedy answer is respectfully solicited.

I am sir with great
Respect your most obdt servant

D. P. Bushnell

 



 

American Fur Company public notice in newspapers nationwide about Lyman M. Warren being removed from La Pointe.

 



 

October 27, 1838
from Governor of Wisconsin Territory
to Commissioner of Indian Affairs
received November 19, 1838

 

Superintendency of Indian Affairs
for the Territory of Wisconsin
Mineral Point Oct. 27 1838.

 

Hon C. A. Harris

Com. of Ind. Affs.

Sir:

Henry Dodge

I have the honor to transmit the report of E. F. Ely, Esq. Sup’t of a school at Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, forwarded by Mr D. P. Bushnell, Sub agent at La Pointe, which had not been received at the time the other reports were transmitted.

Mr. Bushnell also informs me under date of the 18th Sept. that he has caused Lyman M. Warren, an American citizen, and Michel Cadotte, a half-breed, to be removed from the Indian Country, and has furnished the Dist. Attorney at Green Bay with the necessary evidence and requested him to commence suits against them, for violations of the 12th, 13th & 15th Sections of the act of June 30, 1834.  Mr Warren is now here, and suits have been instituted upon the representations of the sub-agent.  Further information will be furnished to you as soon as received.

Very respectfully
Your obed’t serv’t

Henry Dodge

Supt Ind. Affs

 



 

November 23, 1838
from Lyman M. Warren of La Pointe
via Governor of Wisconsin Territory
to Commissioner of Indian Affairs
Received December 15, 1838
Answered December 22, 1838

 

Superintendency of Indian Affairs
for the Territory of Wisconsin
Mineral Point Nov 23, 1838.

 

T. Hartley Crawford Esq’r

Com. of Indian Affairs
Washington

Sir:

I have the honor to transmit enclosed herewith, a communication from Lyman M. Warren, recently of La Pointe, Lake Superior, who, upon charges of a violation of the 12th, 13th & 15th Sections of the “Act to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes &c,” was removed from the Indian Country.  Mr Warren has been long in the service of the American Fur Company at that post, and extensively engaged in Indian trade; and, from the hurried manner in which he was taken from the country, much of his business remains unsettled.  He now asks from the Department, for the reasons given in his letter, that he be permitted to return to La Pointe next Spring for the purpose only of settling his business; an indulgence which I think may be safely granted.  Mr Warren was the bearer of the information to the Dist. Attorney of the United States at this place, upon which suits were instituted against him, which fact, with that of his previous good standing and the respectability of his connection in this Territory, warrants me in the opinion that no detriment can arise to the Government from a compliance with his request.  I have also consulted with the Sub-agent at that station, Mr. Bushnell, who admits the propriety of permitting him to return to the country, for the purposes expressed in his letter, if the agent be not absent.  In case the Department should feel disposed to accede to his request, it would be well to instruct the District Attorney not to take any advantage of his absence at the Spring term of the Court, at which he is recognized to answer.

Very respectfully
Your obed’t Servant

Henry Dodge

Supt. Ind. Affs.

 


 

Prairie du Chein 7th Nov. 1838

To His Excellency

 

Henry Doge

Governor of Wisconsin

And Superintendent of

Indian affairs

Sir

Although still unceded territory in 1838, La Pointe was attached to Crawford County when Warren and Cadotte were arrested, which is why they were brought to the county seat Prairie du Chein under jurisdiction of the court there.

Since Michel Cadotte and myself have arrived at this place and been served with process in the various suits brought against us in the name of the United States and given bail for our appearance at the May Term of the Crawford District Court in the Cases where bail was required, I have thought proper to address your Excellency in relation to the course that has been taken against me, and to request through your Excellency, some indulgence from the Department in the management of the Cases from the peculiar circumstances of my situation.

1834 Indian Intercourse Act
SEC. 10. And be it further enacted, That the superintendent of Indian affairs, and Indian agents and sub-agents, shall have authority to remove from the Indian country all persons found therein contrary to law; and the President of the United States is authorized to direct the military force to be employed in such removal.
SEC. 11. And be it further enacted, That if any person shall make a settlement on any lands belonging, secured, or granted by treaty with the United States to any Indian tribe, or shall survey or shall attempt to survey such lands, or designate any of the boundaries by marking trees, or otherwise, such offender shall forfeit and pay the sum of one thousand dollars. And it shall, moreover, be lawful for the President of the United States to take such measures, and to employ such military force, as he may judge necessary to remove from the lands as aforesaid any such person as aforesaid.
SEC. 12. And be it further enacted, That no purchase, grant, lease, or other conveyance of lands, or of any title or claim thereto, from any Indian nation or tribe of Indians, shall be of any validity in law or equity, unless the same be made by treaty or convention entered into pursuant to the constitution. And if any person, not employed under the authority of the United States, shall attempt to negotiate such treaty or convention, directly or indirectly, to treat with any such nation or tribe of Indians, for the title or purchase of any lands by them held or claimed, such person shall forfeit and pay one thousand dollars: Provided, nevertheless, That it shall be lawful for the agent or agents of any state who may be present at any treaty held with Indians under the authority of the United States, in the presence and with the approbation of the commissioner or commissioners of the United States appointed to bold the same, to propose to, and adjust with the Indians, the compensation to be made for their claim to lands within such state, which shall be extinguished by treaty.
SEC. 13. And be it further enacted, That if any citizen or other person residing within the United States or the territory thereof, shall send any talk, speech, message, or letter to any Indian nation, tribe, chief, or individual, with an intent to produce a contravention or infraction of any treaty or other law of the United States, or to disturb the peace and tranquillity of the United States, he shall forfeit and pay the sum of two thousand dollars.
SEC. 14. And be it further enacted, That if any citizen, or other person, shall carry or deliver any such talk, message, speech, or letter, to or from any Indian nation, tribe, chief, or individual, from or to any person or persons whatsoever, residing within the United States, or from or to any subject, citizen, or agent of any foreign power or state, knowing the contents thereof, he shall forfeit and pay the sum of one thousand dollars.
SEC. 15. And be it further enacted, That if any citizen or other person, residing or living among the Indians, or elsewhere within the territory of the United States, shall carry on a correspondence, by letter or otherwise, with any foreign nation or power, with an intent to induce such foreign nation or power to excite any Indian nation, tribe, chief, or individual, to war against the United States, or to the violation of any existing treaty; or in case any citizen or other person shall alienate, or attempt to alienate, the confidence of any Indian or Indians from the government of the United States, he shall forfeit the sum of one thousand dollars.

Your Excellency is aware that I was arrested at Lapointe on Lake Superior among the Chippewa Indians by a Military force, without legal process, and brought from thence by the way of the Sault Ste Marys, Mackinac and Green Bay to Fort Winebago from which place I came voluntarily and brought to the complaint against me to your Excellency that after giving bail in one Case at Mineral Point I came to this place whither the Deputy Marshall was sent to execute other process on me and Michel Cadotte.  I was arrested and brought away from Lapointe at a time when private business of the greatest importance required my presence there, and my arrest and removal and consequent losses have almost ruined me.  On my way I was robbed of upwards of One Thousand Dollars in Cash which is one of the consequences to me of the proceedings that have been commenced against me.  I believe that your Excellency is fully aware that if I had been disposed to disregard the laws and authorities of the Country and to set them at defiance the force which was sent for me was not sufficient to bring me away.  In fact the Indians in the vicinity were disposed to resists and to prevent my removal, and would have done so if I had not used my influence to restrain them.  I mention this as an evidence of my disposition to submit to the laws and authorities of the Government, rather than to oppose or violate either.

I have been a Trader in extensive business among the Chippeways on Lake Superior for upwards of twenty one years, an can appeal with confidence to all intelligent Gentlemen who have been acquainted with my course of conduct throughout that period for testimony that I have always conformed my conduct to the laws of Congress, and the regulations of the Department, when known and understood.  I have never knowingly violated either, and if I have ever in any case gone contrary to either, it has been when the law or regulation had not been made known at my remote and far distant station.

No one could expect that so far removed as I have been from settlements and civilization with so little intercourse with either, I could be so well and promptly made acquainted with the legislation and regulations of the Government as those who enjoyed the advantage of a residence within the more immediate sphere of its action and opperations.  In the present Case I feel perfectly conscious, that I am free from all blame, and believe that it will be found upon investigation, that the proceedings against me originated in malice.

It is expected I believe that the Half breeds of the Chippeways on Lake Superior will be paid their share of the money donated to them by Treaty, some time early next Spring.  It is of great importance to me and to others that I should be present at that payment.  I have of my own a large family of children who are interested in the expected payment.  Besides I am guardian of an estate which will require my personal presence at that place, in order that it may be settled.

Cadotte is also interested in the payment on his own account, and that of his children.  It will be impossible for us to go up in the Spring and return to the Spring terms of the Court at Mineral Point and this place.  I would therefore request it as a favor of the Department, if sufficient reason does not appear for dismissing the prosecutions altogether, that I may be permitted with Cadotte to attend at La Pointe in the next Spring season at the contemplated payment, or when ever the same may be made, and that no steps may be taken in the prosecution of the suits against us in our absence, and that the Attorney for the Territory may be directed not to take any default against us in any of the Cases either for want of bail, or plea, or other necessary propositions for our defense, while we may be absent on such business.

I hope that your Excellency will perceive the great importance to me of obtaining this indulgence, and sufficient reason to induce the kind interposition of your Excellency’s good offices to have it granted to me.

With great respect
I am your
Excellency’s Obedient Servant

L. M. Warren

W.718.

 



 

December 15, 1838
from Solicitor of the Treasury
to Commissioner of Indian Affairs
Received December 17, 1838
Answered December 22, 1838
and returned papers
from US Attorney Moses McCure Strong
dated November 25, 1838

 

Office of the Solicitor
of the Treasury
December 15, 1838

 

T. H. Crawford Esqr.

Comm’r of Indian Affairs.

Sir,

I have the honor to inclose to you herewith a letter received by this morning’s mail from Messr Strong, United States Attorney for the Territory of Wisconsin, with a copy of one addressed to him by D. P. Burchnell, Indian Sub-agent at Mineral Point, Wisconsin, in relation to sundry suits commenced by him, to recover the penalty incurred for the violation of the 12, 13, & 15 sections of the act of Congress of of 30 June 1834 intitled “an act to regulate trade and intercourse with indian tribes, and to procure peace on the frontiers.”; which suits he states were commenced at the request of Mr. Burchnell.

To enable me to reply to the District Attorney’s letter I shall be obliged by your informing me at your earliest convenience, whether you wish any particular [directions?] given to him on the subject.  Please return the District Attorney’s letter with its inclosure.

very respectfully Yours

H. D. Gilpin

Solicitor of the Treasury

 



 

December 28, 1838
from James Duane Doty
to Commissioner of Indian Affairs
forwarded to Secretary of War December 31, 1838
Received January 3, 1839
See letter to Solicitor of the Treasury dated January 3, 1838.

 

Washington
Dec. 28 1838.

 

The Hon. J. R. Poinsett

Secy of War

Sir,

The 1826 Treaty of Fond du Lac originally contained a list of Mixed Blood tribal members that would each be given a square mile (aka a section) of land, including 14 members of the Cadotte/Warren family.  Unfortunately that list was omitted from the Treaty by Senate before ratification in 1827.  The 1827 Deed for Old La Pointe seemed to have been created by the Cadotte/Warren family at La Pointe in response.

1827 Deed for Old La Pointe from Madeline and Michel Cadotte, Sr. to Lyman M. Warren for 2,000 acres of unceded tribal land on Madeline Island to be held in trust for the Cadotte/Warren grandchildren and future generations.

A prosecution was commenced last fall by the Indian Department against Lyman M. Warren, a licensed Trader at Lapointe, Lake Superior and a half Indian by the name of Michel Cadotte, for accepting of a verbal gift to Warren by the Indians of a part of an Island in Lake Superior.  This gift I believe was intended to be in lieu of 14 sections of land given by the same Indians to the wife of Warren (an Indian woman, and his children, which had been reserved to them in the Treaty of Fond du Lac, but which was I am informed, stricken out, with other reservations of land, by the Senate.

It appears that Warren was ignorant of the act of Congress on this subject, and that so soon as he was informed, he desisted.  Some months afterwards, and without anything new having secured, the sub-agent (then 300 miles from Lapointe) obtained a military force to be sent from Fort Brady to arrest Warren and his interpreter Cadotte.  They made no resistance but voluntarily came with the soldiers to the Sault Ste Marie, and thence to Mineral Point 600 miles further.

American brothers Lyman M. Warren and Truman A. Warren both married to daughters of Madeline and Michel Cadotte, Sr. The Cadotte/Warren grandchildren were still young children when signing the 1837 Petitions from La Pointe to the President regarding Treaty rights for Chippewa Mixed Bloods.

Mr. Warren has been a Trader in that Country for the last 20 years, and I have personally known him there since the year 1820.  During this long period he has been much respected as an upright Trader, submissive to the laws, and at all times disposed to extend the power of this government over the Northern Indians, who it is well known have been most inclined to visit and listen to the British authorities.  I do not think there is another Indian Trader in the North West who has a greater influence with those Tribes than Mr. Warren.

The sub-agent, Mr. Bushnell, was a stranger in that country, but recently appointed, and, I cannot but think, has caused Mr. Warren to be arrested without a due examination of the facts of the case, or without giving a proper consideration to the effect it will be likely to have with the Indians of that country.

If Mr. Warren is compelled to defend this suit, whether it results in his favour or not, it must ruin him and his family, and I think the government will lose more than it will gain by continuing the prosecution.

From my knowledge of the parties, the facts of the case and the condition of the country I would respectfully recommend that the District Attorney be directed to discontinue the prosecutions against Warren & Cadotte upon the payment of costs and a stipulation not to prosecute Bushnell and the Commanding Officer at Fort Brady.  I have no hesitation in expressing to you the opinion, that if the prosecution is continued the judgement of the Court will be in favour of the defendants.

With much respect I am Sir your obdt svt

J. D. Doty

By Leo

From individual historical documents, it can be hard to sequence or make sense of the efforts of the United States to remove the Lake Superior Ojibwe from ceded territories of Wisconsin and Upper Michigan in the years 1850 and 1851. Most of us correctly understand that the Sandy Lake Tragedy was caused an alliance of government and trading interests. Through greed, deception, racism, and callous disregard for human life, government officials bungled the treaty payment at Sandy Lake on the Mississippi River in the fall and winter of 1850-51, leading to hundreds of deaths. We also know that in the spring of 1852, Chief Buffalo and a delegation of La Pointe Ojibwe chiefs travelled to Washington D.C. to oppose the removal. It is what happened before and between those events, in the summers of 1850 and 1851, where things get muddled.

This well-known engraving, found in Benjamin Armstrong’s Early Life Among the Indians does not list the members of the 1852 delegation by name. At least three of the men who signed this letter took the trip: Kecheueshki (Buffalo), Kishkitauʋg (Cut Ear), and Oshoge (Heron)

Confusion arises because the individual documents can contradict our narrative. A particular trader, who we might want to think is one of the villains, might express an anti-removal view. A government agent, who we might wish to assign malicious intent, instead shows merely incompetence. We find a quote or letter that seems to explain the plans and sentiments leading to the disaster at Sandy Lake, but then we find the quote is dated after the deaths had already occurred.

Therefore, we are fortunate to have the following letter, written in November of 1851, which concisely summarizes the events up to that point. We are even more fortunate that the letter is written by chiefs, themselves. It is from the Office of Indian Affairs archives, but I found a copy in the Theresa Schenck papers. It is not unknown to Lake Superior scholarship, but to my knowledge it has not been reproduced in full.

The context is that Chief Buffalo, most (but not all) of the La Pointe chiefs, and some of their allies from Ontonagon, L’Anse, Upper St. Croix Lake, Chippewa River and St. Croix River, have returned to La Pointe. They have abandoned the pay ground at Fond du Lac in November 1851, and returned to La Pointe. This came after getting confirmation that the Indian Agent, John S. Watrous, has been telling a series of lies in order to force a second Sandy Lake removal–just one year removed from the tragedy. This letter attempts to get official sanction for a delegation of La Pointe chiefs to visit Washington. The official sanction never came, but the chiefs went anyway, and the rest is history.


La Pointe, Lake Superior, Nov. 6./51

To the Hon Luke Lea
Commissioner of Indian Affairs Washington D.C.

Our Father,

We send you our salutations and wish you to listen to our words. We the Chiefs and head men of the Chippeway Tribe of Indians feel ourselves aggrieved and wronged by the conduct of the U.S. Agent John S. Watrous and his advisors now among us. He has used great deception towards us, in carrying out the wishes of our Great Father, in respect to our removal. We have ever been ready to listen to the words of our Great Father whenever he has spoken to us, and to accede to his wishes. But this time, in the matter of our removal, we are in the dark. We are not satisfied that it is the President that requires us to remove. We have asked to see the order, and the name of the President affixed to it, but it has not been shewn us. We think the order comes only from the Agent and those who advise with him, and are interested in having us remove.

The Indian Department in Washington had actually sent a telegram to La Pointe in September, cancelling the removal order, a fact Watrous wanted to keep from the chiefs. Rev. William T. Boutwell, a trader/retired missionary and Watrous’ superintendent of removal wrote to Alexander Ramsey, I would only add, on the 3d of Sept. a Telegraphic Dispatch came to hand viz “suspend active operations in the removal until further orders”. The purport of the order remains a secret & as the Inds. are ready to go I shall start them.
We will now tell you the words of the Commissioner spoken to us when our lands were sold at La Pointe. “Your Great Father” he said “does not want the land to cultivate. It is only the mineral on it which he wants. The Whites do not wish to come and occupy your country now–until they want it you will be permitted to live and hunt on your lands as before. So far as you may live on land which will be wanted by the miners you will have to remove one side; but if you are not in the way of the whites, and live on terms of friendship with them, it will be a great while before you will be required to remove. I don’t believe you or I will ever see the day when you will be troubled about your lands.” He said that we and our children after us might be permitted to live on our land fifty years and even a hundred if we lived on friendly terms with the Whites.
The promises made by Robert Stuart at the Treaty of La Pointe 1842 were controversial from the moment of signing and a major source of Ojibwe grievance. The “countrymen” comment probably refers to the lower St. Croix bands, pulled into a series of violent incidents associated with the liquor trade among lumbermen. Akiwenzii of Lac Courte Oreilles would later accuse the bands on the lake (Fond du Lac, La Pointe, Ontonagon, L’Anse) of getting their removals suspended while the interior bands still vulnerable. However, this letter is signed by some chiefs from the interior. Traders in the ceded territory were overwhelmingly opposed to the removal of their friendly Ojibwe neighbors. However, it wasn’t entirely altruistic. In what historian Michael Witgen calls “the political economy of plunder,” living next to tribal communities receiving annuities was incredibly lucrative. The Ojibwe removal was fueled by interests who wanted to use that plunder to develop the Minnesota Territory.
It is true, our Father, that some of our countrymen have had trouble with the Whites; but this is not true of us who live on the Lake. We have never shed the blood of the whites; nor killed their cattle; nor done them any injury and we are not in their way. And why is it that we may hear this order to remove? We do not understand it. Mr. Stuart, the Commissioner, promised us when the treaty was made that our payment should be made at La Pointe for twenty five years. But now the one you have sent to be our Agent has removed our payment to a distant place. The commissioner (Mr. Stuart) promised us too, carpenters, Farmers, Blacksmiths, and Teachers, to work for us and teach us how to build houses–cultivate the soil and become wise like the whites. These the Agent has now taken away. It is when we think of the promises made to us by the Com. who bought our lands, and think too, of the conduct of our present Agent that we cannot believe that he is acting according to the instructions our Great Father, in trying to effect our removal. We wish to speak now of our payment at Sandy Lake, how we suffered and were received there by our Agent. This was what our Agent told us, “Come my children, come to Sandy Lake and you shall have plenty to eat and be fat, and I will make your payment quick.” We went, but did not find him there. His Secretary and Mr. Warren were there to take care of the goods, but he had gone down the River to get the money. Instead of having a good supply of provisions to eat, we had but little; and the pork & flour furnished us, had been washed in the water, and was so much damaged that we could not eat it.
The petition Buffalo carried to Washington in 1852, which strongly resembles this document, described the flour as resembling “green clay.” At the time, varying figures were given number of total deaths. However, the figures given by officials and missionaries were estimates. This indicates that Buffalo’s claims of 400 was from a thorough accounting.
It was this that caused so much sickness among us. After being kept there two months waiting for our payment, the Agent at length arrived and paid us our goods, but our money, we did not get at all. By this time the rivers had frozen and we had to throw away our canoes go to our distant homes with our families on foot. As the Agent did not supply us with provisions we were obliged to sell our blankets and buy on credit of the traders, that our children might be kept from starving, and we have something to eat during our journey home. When we left for home, we saw the ground covered with the graves of our children and relatives. One hundred seventy had died during the payment. Many too, of our young men and women fell by the way, and when we had reached home and made a careful estimate of our loss of life, we found that two hundred and thirty more had died on their way home. This is what makes us so sad to think that the payment should be removed to that place. We will now speak of what has taken place this summer. In the spring the Agent wrote to the Chief at La Pointe, telling him not to let his young men plant at Bad River–that he was going to plant for them at Fon du Lac. In the summer came himself, and ordered us to arise quickly and go to Fon du Lac.
Watrous came to the La Pointe as a trader associated with the Nettleton brothers and was also connected to more powerful Minnesota traders. He obtained his post not through merit, but through the political maneuverings of Elisha Whittlesey, a family friend and powerful Ohio representative. His 1851 letters suggest, however, that his motives and lies weren’t only due to corruption. It had become personal for him to see the removal through, even after the Ojibwe had made it clear they would never go back to Sandy Lake. He repeatedly asked Saint Paul and Washington for troops to assist with the removal, but he appears to have been the only one interested in taking that dangerous step.
We asked him by what authority he requested us to remove. He said it was the order of our Great Father himself, and if we did not promptly obey we should soon see soldiers here to compel us to go. He said we were not required to go any farther that Fon du Lac, on to our own land, and if we would go there, he promised us, that when we should arrive, we should find our money ready for us, and that farms should be opened, and stores of provisions be laid in, and every thing be provided by which we should be made comfortable and happy. He wished us to go to Fon du Lac with our families and go to Sandy Lake for our payment. We said we should not go there–when we die we will lay our bones at La Pointe. We told him if he would pay us well, we would go to Fon du Lac and no farther. He said he would pay us our money at Fon du Lac both our last years payment, and this years, but the goods had been ordered to Sandy Lake and could not be carried to Fon du Lac. He promised our Chief Buffalo, that he should go to Washington to see our Great Father that he might hear with his own ears his words and tell him all about our affairs. He said he himself would go with our Chief, pay his expenses to Washington and back again, and would take good care of the indians and see that they were well fed during our Chief’s absence. We went to Fon du Lac but we were not fed well. Our rations which were given us for four days were not enough for two, and to make them last, we could eat but once a day. We told our Agent that we had come and now wanted our money.
The consensus of the Lake Superior bands was to not remove to the Mississippi. Efforts were made to relocate to British Canada, Armstrong suggests some wanted to fight the United States, and others held out hope for a meeting with the president. However, the repeated message was that it was better to die in one’s own country than at Sandy Lake.
He asked us if we had all come, and brought our things with us. We told him we had not brought our kettles and some of our friends we had left behind sick. He said he should pay only those that had come and brought their things with them to stay. At the next council, we told him we wanted our last years payment, that our children were cold and we had no money to buy their clothing. He said he could not pay us till all the Indians had arrived, which were still behind. At the next council we took our half breed friends with us, and asked him to show us the letter in which our Great Father had instructed him how to make the payment. He said he should not do it, but should do as he himself pleased and immediately left the council. We went to him again and told him we were then going home and should not come there to suffer and be deceived again. We had been to him four times, and had received the same answer–he could not pay us. He had repeatedly said before we left La Pointe, that we should have our money payment as soon as we should arrive at Fon du Lac. He told us that if he did not fulfill his pledges we should have full liberty to return again to our own homes. We did not see them fulfilled. And when we saw that every thing was contrary to what we expected, and to what the Agent had promised, we arose and returned home, but not until he had left, and there was no more hope of our expectations being fulfilled. Believe these words, our Father, which we have spoken about our Agent, that it is in consequence of what he has done, that we are so poor. Our women and children do indeed cry, our Father, on account of their suffering from cold and hunger.
The “Great Father” language of ritual kinship can be off-putting when you first enter the world of historical speeches and negotiations. However, this “fur-trade theater” should not be mistaken for weakness or groveling. See H. Paap, Red Cliff Wisconsin. The delegation to Washington was made in the spring of 1852 without official sanction. William Warren was too sick to act as interpreter, so the ninety-plus year-old Buffalo brought Vincent Roy Jr. and Benjamin Armstrong as interpreters. Initially, they had to pay their own way, partially through public displays of Ojibwe culture. William W. Warren has a mixed legacy in the removal efforts, first supporting it, then working for it, and finally leading much of the charge against it. Watrous ascribed this change of heart to Warren being a stooge of Henry M. Rice, but Theresa Schenck’s William W. Warren: the Life, Letters, and Times of an Ojibwe Leader<. paints a more nuanced picture. Schenck's work may be the best scholarly study of the era.
You, our Father, are at the head of all authority, and you have it in your power to redress all our grievances. We wish to have our future payments made at La Pointe as they formerly were. We wish to have our Farmers, carpenters, Blacksmiths, & Teachers restored to us, and we be permitted to remain here where we were promised we might live, as long as we were not in the way of the whites. We wish to be remunerated for the losses we suffered at Sandy Lake. We ask for not one shilling more than any honest man will say we ought to receive. And finally, that our affairs may be properly investigated and justice be done us, we wish that a delegation of our own choice, in connection with any that you may wish to send for, may be permitted to visit Washington. Especially, would we like to have our friend and half breed child Wm. W. Warren go. In his truth and friendship, we have confidence. He is well acquainted with our affairs and he has ever advised us to listen to the words of our Great Father. One thing more. The indians are especially displeased at seeing the Agent intimate with the traders. The goods and money of the indians, are deposited in their stores. They are the constant advisers of the Agent and we fear extensively control his conduct. We wish our goods and money would be deposited some where else and the Agent have for his counsellors a more disinterested class of persons.



Kicheueshki. Chief. X his mark
Gejiguaio X “
Kishkitauʋg X “
Misai X “
Aitauigizhik X “
Kabimabi X “
Oshoge, Chief X “
Oshkinaue, Chief X “
Medueguon X “
Makudeua-kuʋt X “
Na-nʋ-ʋ-e-be, Chief X “
Ka-ka-ge X “
Kui ui sens X “
Ma-dag ʋmi, Chief X “
Ua-bi-shins X “
E-na-nʋ-kuʋk X “
Ai-a-bens, Chief X “
Kue-kue-Kʋb X “
Sa-gun-a-shins X “
Ji-bi-ne-she, Chief X “
Ke-ui-mi-i-ue X “
Okʋndikʋn, Chief X “
Ang ua sʋg X “
Asinise, Chief X “
Kebeuasadʋn X “
Metakusige X “
Kuiuisensish, Chief X “
Atuia X “
Gete-kitigani[inini? manuscript torn]

The text of the letter is neither written in Rev. Leonard Wheeler’s nor Rev. Sherman’s Hall’s handwriting, but the signatures are recorded in Wheeler’s. The fact that the two Protestant missionaries wrote separate statements here, shows the rift in the A.B.C.F.M. community over the removal. Wheeler was in favor of speaking out directly against the government in what he saw as a moral injustice. He made life difficult for Watrous, who complained to his superiors that Wheeler should be like Hall and stay out of politics. Hall, with his aloof nature, was much more tentative, not wanting to make waves and potentially jeopardize the mission’s government contract to run a manual labor school for the Ojibwe. Hall was present at Sandy Lake in the winter of 1850. Wheeler spent that winter visiting family in New England. Had the situations been reversed, the Ojibwe would have had a much more effective advocate in the circles of influence in the East. Charles Pulsifer was the mission teacher, and Henry Blatchford (a.k.a. Francois Descarreaux) was the mission’s interpreter.
We hereby certify that the above document is authentic, having been written at the special request of those whose names are attached to it.
L. H. Wheeler

We the undersigned, certify, on honor, that the above document was shown to us by the Buffalo, Chief of the Lapointe band of Chippeway Indians and that we believe, without implying and opinion respecting the subjects of complaint contained in it, that it was dictated by, and contains the sentiments of those whose signatures are affixed to it.
S. Hall
C. Pulsifer
H. Blatchford

When I started Chequamegon History in 2013, the WordPress engine made it easy to integrate their features with some light HTML coding. In recent years, they have made this nearly impossible. At some point, we’ll have to decide whether to get better at coding or overhaul our signature “blue rectangle” design format. For now, though, I can’t get links or images into the blue rectangles like I used to, so I will have to list them out here:

Rev. William T. Boutwell’s description of Buffalo’s steadfast determination not to remove in the summer of 1851

Joseph Austrian’s description of the same

Boutwell’s acknowledgement of the suspension of the removal order, and his intent to proceed anyway

Rev. William T. Boutwell, a Protestant missionary turned Indian trader, was Watrous’ supervisor of the 1851 removal efforts

Chequamegon History has looked into the “Great Father” fur trade theater language of ritual kinship before in our look at Blackbird’s speech at the 1855 Payment. You may have noticed Makadebines (Blackbird) didn’t sign this letter. He was working on a different plant to resist removal. Look for a related post soon.

If you’re really interested in why the president was Gichi-noos (Great Father), read these books:

Watrous, and many of the Americans who came to the Lake Superior country at this time, were from northeastern Ohio. Watrous was able to obtain and keep his position as agent because his family was connected to Elisha Whittlesey.

Before you ask, yes, Elisha was related to Charles and Asaph Whittlesey.

In the summer and fall of 1851, Watrous was determined to get soldiers to help him force the removal. However, by that point, Washington was leaning toward letting the Lake Bands stay in Wisconsin and Michigan.

Last spring, during one of the several debt showdowns in Congress, I wrote on how similar antics in Washington contributed to the disaster of 1850. My earliest and best understanding of the 1850-1852 timeline, and the players involved, comes from this book:

We know that Kishkitauʋg (Cut Ear), and Oshoge (Heron) went to Washington with Buffalo in 1852. Benjamin Armstrong’s account is the most famous, but the delegation’s other interpreter, Vincent Roy Jr., also left his memories, which differ slightly in the details.

Giishkitaawg “Cut Ear” of Bad/Montreal River–not to be confused with others of the same name. (British Museum)
Vincent Roy Jr. From C. Verwyst’s Life and Labors of Rt. Rev. Frederic Baraga, First Bishop of Marquette, Mich: To which are Added Short Sketches of the Lives and Labors of Other Indian Missionaries of the Northwest

One of my first posts on the blog involved some Sandy Lake material in the Wheeler Family Papers, written by Sherman Hall. Since then, having seen many more of their letters, I would change some of the initial conclusions. However, I still see Hall as having committing a great sin of omission for not opposing the removal earlier. Even with the disclaimer, however, I have to give him credit for signing his name to the letter this post is about. Although they shared the common goal of destroying Ojibwe culture and religion and replacing it with American evangelical Protestantism, he A.B.C.F.M. mission community was made up of men and women with very different personalities. Their internal disputes were bizarre and fascinating.

Rev. Sherman Hall
Rev. Leonard H. Wheeler

Collected & edited by Amorin Mello

Originally published in the September 1st, 1877, issue of The Ashland Press.
Transcribed with permission from Ashland Narratives by K. Wallin and published in 2013 by Straddle Creek Co.

… continued from Number VII.

My Dear Press: – Among the early names associated with Ashland, I must not omit to mention a few others.

1.  E. F. Prince

came to Ashland early in 1857.  He was brother-in-law to Martin Beaser and was induced by him to come from Buffalo to this place.  He had been employed as clerk in a large ship building establishment, and when he left the employees of the yard showed their regard for him by presenting to him an elaborate and valuable set of silver service.  He erected, in the same year, the house in which he now lives, on Main Street, in Beaser’s Division.  From 1861 to 1872, he resided in Ontonagon and Duluth, but upon the commencement of work on the W.C.R.R., at Ashland, he returned to his old home, where he now resides.

Though still young and vigorous, he is entitled to be reckoned as one of the “Old Folk” of Ashland.

2.  Oliver St. Germain

came to this place in 1856, and built a home on Main Street, adjoining Mr. Prince’s place.  The house, with all its contents, was burnt down in the spring of 1858, inflicting a heavy loss upon Mr. St. Germain.  He pre-empted a quarter section of land adjoining the town site, and cleared about twenty acres in 1858.  The railroad passes through this clearing about a mile from town.

In the general wreck which followed the crash of 1857, he was compelled to abandon his Ashland home, and for some fifteen years lived at Ontonagon, Carp Lake, and Superior City.  In 1872 he returned to his early home, and was among the first to build a house in Vaughn’s Division, in which he now resides.  Though like the rest of us, he has encountered hard times, still, in the midst of discouragements, he is ever cheerful and hopeful, and determined never to give up, as long as a plank is left in the ship.

3.

I approach with reluctance another name, for I am conscious of my inability to do justice to his memory; nor fairly exhibit to this generation, his manly social, and religious character; nor make clear, in its true extent, the important part he acted in moulding and elevating the society, not of Ashland alone, but of the Counties of Ashland and Bayfield.  In the annals of that History recorded by God himself, upon the tablets of Eternity, I doubt not his name will eclipse in true greatness and glory, those of Caesar and Napoleon.

I allude to

Rev. Hemenway Wheeler.

Reverend Leonard Hemenway Wheeler of the ABCFM Mission.

He was a native of Vermont, educated at Middlebury College, and at Andover Theological Seminary.

Reverend Sherman Hall of the ABCFM Mission.
~ Madeline Island Museum

Bishop Frederick Baraga of the Catholic Mission.
~ Madeline Island Museum

At the time of the completion of his course in theology, he had nearly decided to devote his life to the foreign mission field, in which he had near relatives.  At this juncture, his attention was directed to the condition of the Chippewa Indians on Lake Superior.  He offered his services to the American Board of Foreign Missions, who, besides the foreign work, had charge of the missions among the American Indians.  His offer was accepted, and he was directed to join the Mission at La Pointe, then one of the stations of the Board, under the care of Rev. Sherman Hall, who still survives, at a very advanced age, at Sauk Rapids, in the state of Minnesota.  Mr. Wheeler, in the early part of 1841, was married to Miss Harriet Wood, of Lowell, Mass., a refined and cultivated young lady, who, like her husband, was thoroughly imbued with the spirit of missions, and with true heroism, she left her cultivated home, and society, and went into what seemed banishment from civilization.  We of this day, with our numerous steamboats, from Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland and Buffalo, – with the iron horse, drinking the waters of the lake at our very doors, and with the streams of commerce, and of social life sweeping by and among us in a constant flow, can have no idea of what it involved to come here for a life work, forty years ago.

At that time, there was a small settlement at the Sault.  The site of the present beautiful and substantial city of Marquette was Indian hunting grounds.  L’Anse, Houghton, Hancock, Calumet, Eagle harbor, Eagle River, Ontonagon, Ashland, Bayfield, Superior and Duluth were then in the unknown future.  La Pointe was at that time the most important town on the Great Lakes.  It had, in the 17th century, attracted the notice of the French explorers, and of the Jesuit missionaries, who made choice of it, as a trading post and as a mission station.  The mission had been continued for near two centuries, and the trading post still held, though now under another race of men, was now the headquarters of the American Fur Company, where a factor resided, and where great warehouses were erected for the reception of the vast supplies of goods to be used in the Indian trade, which were brought once a year in the company’s vessel.  From La Pointe these goods were distributed to various trading posts, scattered around the basin of Lake Superior, for more than four hundred miles, and extending inland indefinitely.  Among these posts may be mentioned L’Anse and Iron River, in Michigan; Lake Flambeau, Montreal River, Lac Court Oreille, and St. Croix, in Wisconsin; Fond du Lac, Grand Portage, Vermillion Lake and Crow Wing, in the Territory of Minnesota, thus embracing the largest part of the waters flowing into the gulf.

View of La Pointe, circa 1843.
“American Fur Company with both Mission churches. Sketch purportedly by a Native American youth. Probably an overpainted photographic copy enlargement. Paper on a canvas stretcher.”
~ Wisconsin Historical Society

La Pointe was the emporium, the metropolitan city of this vast extent of country.  It was the Mecca of the Ojibwas, occupying the extensive country I have named.  To reach La Pointe and be buried there, was to be close to the gate of entrance to the “happy hunting grounds.”  It was to him the “sweet Island of the blest.”  With joy he hailed its sight, as he emerged from the forests in which months had been spent, gathering his pack of furs; and with regret he turned his lingering look upon it, as he again plunged into the wild wastes for his solitary hunt of half a year.

“Boardwalk leading to St. Joseph’s Catholic Church in La Pointe.” Photograph by Whitney & Zimmerman, circa 1870.
~ Wisconsin Historical Society

It was the scene of some of the most important treaties made with the Chippewas of the Northwest, by which they ceded to the United States, lands in extent sufficient to form respectable states. It was also the gathering place where the annual Indian payments were made for many years, and where the native chiefs, with their braves, delighted to hold their great councils.

Fifty years ago, no other place in this part of the West afforded access to so large a number of natives as did La Pointe.  The truths made known to these “untutored minds,” and the light flashed into their dark understandings, by the preaching of the simple story of the Cross, could soon be carried to the head waters of the Mississippi, or to the dwellers on the tributaries of Hudson’s Bay, or of the Arctic Ocean.  As a central point for carrying on this work of benevolence and love, it was unsurpassed.

Undated photograph of Hall & Wheeler’s ABCFM Mission Church at it’s original location on Sandy Bay (Middleport) before it was moved uphill onto Mission Hill.
~ Madeline Island Museum

It was the consideration of these facts that induced the American Board to establish a mission station at La Pointe, and to send thither for this purpose, about fifty years ago, the Rev. Sherman Hall.  He had successfully planted the mission, and established a school at the time of the arrival of Mr. Wheeler.

Mr. Wheeler immediately entered actively upon his life work devoting himself to learning the Ojibwa language, and preaching by means of an interpreter, teaching in the school, and striving, in every way, to promote the spiritual and material welfare of the people.

To be continued in Number IX

Join us LIVE in person on Tuesday night to learn about the Ancient Trails and Ghost Towns that were here before Washburn was founded in 1883.

Presented by Chequamegon History’s Amorin Mello.

Hosted by the Washburn Heritage Association for the 13th Annual Tony Woiak Winter History Festival.

Apologies for the very short notice!

Hello loyal readers, Leo here. I wanted to let everyone know about a history event coming up on October 21st in Cornucopia. At the Cornucopia Community Center (Bell Town Hall/School), I will be speaking at 3:00pm on Subcarpathia: Ethnicity and Identity in Carpathian Poland, Ukraine, and Slovakia. Contentious Histories, Hopes for Reconciliation. I hope everyone will attend.

While it may be a stretch to include this in Chequamegon History’s stated purview of Lake Superior before 1860, there are undeniable parallels. Not least, many of today’s Bayfield and Ashland County residents (myself included) are descended from Carpathian immigrants. Furthermore, we’ll examine many of the themes of colonization, folk culture, and identity fluidity that we explore here on the site.

Learn about the development and national awakening of modern Eastern European nations, the horrors of World War II, and the complex legacies that shape the current alliance for a free Ukraine.

There is no charge to get in, though I will be collecting donations for friends in Rzeszow, Poland who are engaged in Ukraine relief. Eastern European snacks will be served.

Collected & edited by Amorin Mello

The below image from the Wisconsin Historical Society is a storymap showing La Pointe in 1834 as abstract squiggles on an oversized Madeline Island surrounded by random other Apostle Islands, Bayfield Peninsula, Houghton Point, Chequamegon Bay, Long Island, Bad River, Saxon Harbor, and Montreal River.

“Map of La Pointe”
“L M Warren”
“~ 1834 ~”
Wisconsin Historical Society 
citing an original map at the New York Historical Society

My original (ongoing) goal for publishing this post is to find an image of the original 1834 map by Lyman Marcus Warren at the New York Historical Society to explore what all of his squiggles at La Pointe represented in 1834.  Instead of immediately achieving my original goal, this post has become the first of a series exploring letters in the American Fur Company Papers by/to/about Warren at La Pointe.

 



New York Historical Society

American Fur Company Papers: 1831-1849

America’s First Business Monopoly



 

#16,582

 

Map of Lapointe
by L M Warren
~ 1834 ~
New York Historical Society
scanned as Gale Document Number GALE|SC5110110218

 

 


 

#36

 

Ramsay Crooks
~ Madeline Island Museum

Lapointe Lake Superior
September 20th ’34

 

Ramsey Crooks Esqr

Dear Sir

Starting in 1816, the American Fur Company (AFC) operated a trading post by the “Old Fort” of La Pointe near older trading posts built by the French in 1693 and the British in 1793.

In 1834, John Jacob Astor sold his legendary AFC to Ramsay Crooks and other trading partners, who in turn decided to relocate the AFC’s base of operations at Mackinac Island to Madeline Island, where our cartographer Lyman Marcus Warren was employed as the AFC’s trader at La Pointe.

Instead of improving any of the older trading posts on Madeline Island, Warren decided to move La Pointe to the “New Fort” of 1834 to build new infrastructure for growing business demands.

GLO PLSS 1852 survey detail of the “Am Fur Co Old Works” near Old Fort.

on My Way In as Mr Warren was was detained So Long at Mackinac I did not Wait for him at this Place as time was of So Much Consequence to me to Get my People Into the County that I Proceeded Immediately to Fond Du Lac with the Intention with the Intention of Returning to this Place When I Had Sent the Outfit off but When I Got There I Had News from the Interior Which Required me to Go In and Settle the Business there; the [appearance?] In the Interior for [????] is tolerable.  Good Provision there is [none?] Whatever I [have?] Seen the [Country?] [So?] Destitute.  The Indians at [Fort?] [?????] Disposed to give me Some trouble when they found they have to Get no Debts and buy their amunition and tobacco and not Get it For Nothing as usual but at Length quieted down [?????] and have all gone off to their Haunts as usual.

I Received your Instructions contained in your Circular and will be very Particular In Following them.  The outfits were all off when I Received them but the men’s acts and the Invoices of the Goods Had all been Settled according to your Wishes and Every Care Will be taken not to allow the men to get In Debt the Clerks Have Strict orders on the Subject and it is made known to them that they will be Held for any of the Debts the men may Incur.

I Enclose to you the Bonds Signed and all the Funds we Received from Mr Johnston Excepting those Which Had been given to the Clerks and I could not Get them Back In time to Send them on at Present.

Mr Warren And myself Have Committed on What is to be done at this Place and I am certain all that Can be done Will be done by him.  I leave here tomorrow For the Interior of Fond Du Lac Where I must be as Soon as possible.

I have written to Mr Schoolcraft as he Inquested me.  Mr Brewster’s men would not Give up their [??????] and [???] [????] is [??] [?????] [????] [????] [to?] [???????] [?????] [to?] [persuade?] [more?] People for Keeping [his?] [property?] [Back?] [and] [then?] [???] by some [???] ought to be sent out of the Country [??] they are [under?] [the?] [???] [?] and [Have?] [no?] [Right?] to be [????] [????] they are trouble [????] [???] [their?] [tongues?].

GLO PLSS 1852 survey detail of the AFC’s new “La Point” (New Fort) and the ABCFM’s “Mission” (Middleport).

The Site Selected Here For the Buildings by Mr Warren is the Best there is the Harbour is good and I believe the work will go on well.

as For the Fishing we Will make Every Inquiry on the Subject and I Have no Doubt on My Mind of Fairly present that it will be more valuable than the Fur trade.

In the Month of January I will Write you Every particular How our affairs stand from St Peters.  Bailly Still Continues to Give our Indians Credits and they Bring Liquor from that Place which they Say they Get from Him.

Please let Me know as Early as possible with Regard to the Price of Furs as it will Help me In the trade.  the Clerks all appear anxious to do their Duty this year as the wind is now Falling and I am In Haste I Will Write you Every particular of our Business In January.

Wishing that God may Long Prosper you and your family.
In health and happiness.

I remain most truly,
and respectfully
yours $$

William A. Aitken

 


 

#42

 

Lake Superior
LaPointe Oct 16 1834

 

Ramsey Crooks Esqr
Agent American Fur Co

Honoured Sir

Your letter dated Mackinac Sept [??] reached me by Mr Chapman’s boat today.-

I will endeavour to answer it in such a manner as will give you my full and unreserved opinion on the different subjects mentioned in it.

I feel sorry to see friend Holiday health so poor, and am glad that you have provided him a comfortable place at the Sault.  As you remark it is a fortunate circumstance that we have no opposition this year or we would certainly have made a poor resistance.  I can see no way on which matters would be better arranged under existing circumstances than the way in which you have arranged it.  If Chaboillez, and George will act in unison and according to your instructions, they will do well, but I am somewhat affeared, that this will not be the case, as I think George might perhaps from jealously refuse to obey Chaboillez or give him the proper help.  Our building business prevents me from going there myself.  I suppose you have now received my letter of last Sept, in which I mentioned that I had kept the Doctor here.  I shall send him in a few days to see how matters comes on at the Ance.  The Davenports are wanted at present in FDLac should it be necessary to make any alteration.  I shall leave the Doctor at the Ance.

Undated photograph of the ABCFM Presbyterian Mission Church at it’s original 1830s location along the shoreline of Sandy Bay.
~ Madeline Island Museum

Reverend Sherman Hall
~ Madeline Island Museum

In addition to the AFC’s new La Pointe, Warren was also committed to the establishment of a mission for the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) as a condition of his 1827 Deed for Old La Pointe from his Chippewa wife’s parents; Madeline & Michel Cadotte.

Starting in 1830, the ABCFM built a Mission at La Pointe’s Middleport (second French fort of 1718), where they were soon joined by a new Catholic Mission in 1835.

Madeline Island was still unceded territory until the 1842 Treaty of La Pointe. The AFC and ABCFM had obtained tribal permissions to build here via Warren’s deed, while the Catholics were apparently grandfathered in through French bloodlines from earlier centuries.

I think we will want about 2 Coopers but as you suggest I if they may be got cheaper than the [????] [????].  The Goods Mr Hall has got is for his own use that is to say to pay his men [??].  The [??] [??????] [has?] to pay for a piece of land they bot from an Indian woman at Leech Lake.  As far as my information goes the Missionaries have never yet interfered with our trade.  Mr Hall’s intention is to have his establishment as much disconnected with regular business as he possibly can and he gets his supplies from us.

[We?] [have?] received the boxes [Angus?] [??] [???].  [You?] mention also a box, but I have not yet received it.  Possible it is at the Ance.

The report about Dubay has no doubt been exaggerated.  When with me at the Ance he mentioned to me that Mr Aitkin told him he had better tell the Indians not to kill their beaver entirely off and thereby ruin their country.  The idea struck me as a good one and as far as I recollect I told him, it would perhaps be good to tell them so.  I have not yet heard from any one, that he has tried to prevent the Indians from paying their old Debts and I should not be astonished to fend the whole is one of those falsehoods which Indians are want to use to free themselves from paying old Debts.  I consider Dubay a pretty active man, but the last years extravagancies have made it necessary to have an eye upon him to prevent him from squandering.

“The Doctor” Charles William Wulff Borup, M.D.
~ Madeline Island Museum

My health had been somewhat impaired by my voyage from the Sault to this place.  Instead of going to Lac Du Flambeau myself as I intended I sent the Doctor.  He has just now returned and tells me that Dubay gets along pretty well, though there were some small difficulties which toke place, but which the Dr settled.  The prospect are very discouraging, particularly on a/c of provisions.  We have plenty opposition and all of them with liquor in great abundance.  It is provoking to see ourselves restricted by the laws from taking in liquor while our opponents deal in it as largely as ever.  The traders names are as far as could be ascertained Francois Charette and [Chapy?].  The liquor was at Lac du Flambeau while the Doctor was there.  I have furnished Dubay with means to procure provisions, as there is actually not 1 Sack of Corn or Rice to be got.

The same is the case on Lac Courtoreilie and Folleavoigne no provisions and a Mr Demarais on the Chippeway River gives liquor to the Indians.

You want my ideas upon the fishing business.  If reliance can be put in Mr Aitkin’s assertions we will at least want the quantity of Net thread mentioned in our order.  Besides this we will want for our fishing business 200 Barrels Flour,  [??] Barrels Pork, 10 Kegs Butter, 1000 Bushels Corn, [??] Barrels Lard, 10 or 11 Barrels Tallow.

Undated photograph of the ABCFM mission house built in 1832.
~ Madeline Island Museum

Besides this we want over and above the years supply an extra supply for our summer Establishments. say about 80 Barrels Flour, 30 Barrels Pork, 1500 # Butter, 400 Bushels Corn, 5 Barrels Lard, 5 Barrels Tallow.  This will is partly to sell. be sold.

Mr Roussain will be as good as any if not better in my opinion for our business than Holiday.  Ambrose Davenport might take the charge of the Ance but Roussain will be more able on account of his knowledge in fishing.  I would recommend to take him as a partner.  say take Holidays share if he could not be got for less.

I have not done much yet toward building.  The greatest part of my men have been in the exterior to assist our people to get in.  But they have now all arrived.  We have got about 4 acres of land cleared, a wintering house put up and a considerable quantity of boards sawed.  Mr Aitkin did not supply me with two Carpenters as he promised at Mackinac.  I will try to get along as well as I can without them.  I engaged Jos Dufault and Mr Aitkin brot me one of Abbott’s men, who he engaged.  But I will still be under the necessity of hiring Mr Campbell of the mission to make our windows sashes and to superintend The framing of the buildings.  Mr Aitkins have done us considerable damage by not fulfilling his promise in this respect.  I told you in Mackinac that Mr Aitkin was far from being exact in business.  Your letter to him I will forward by the first opportunity.  I think it will have a good effect and you do right in being thus plain in stating your views.  His contract deserves censure, and I will hope that your plain dealing with him will not be lost upon him.  Shall I beg you to be as faithfull to me by giving me the earliest information whenever you might disapprove of any transaction of mine.

Photograph of La Pointe from Mission Hill circa 1902.
~ Wisconsin Historical Collections, Volume XVI, page 80.

I have received a supply of provisions from Mr Chapmann which will enable me to get through this season.  The [?] [of?] [???] [next?], the time you have set for the arrival of the Schooner, will be sufficient, early for our business.  The Glass and other materials for finishing of the buildings would be required to be sent up in the first trip but if [we?] [are?] [??] better to have them earlier.  If these articles could be sent to the Sault early in the Spring a boat load might be formed of [Some?] and Provisions and sent to the Ance.  From there men could be spared at that season of the year to bring the load to this place.  In that way there would be no heavy expense incurred and I would be able to have the buildings in greater forwardness.

If the plan should meet your approbation please let me know by the winter express.  While Mr Aitkin was here we planned out our buildings.  The House will be 86 feet by 26 feet in the clear, the two stores will be put up agreeable to your Draft.  We do not consider them to large.

I am afraid I shall not be able to build a wharf in season, but shall do my best to accomplish all that can be done with the means I have.

Undated photograph of Captain John Daniel Angus’ boat at the ABCFM mission dock.
~ Madeline Island Museum

I would wish to call your attention towards a few of the articles in our trade.  I do not know how you have been accustomed to buy the Powder whether by the Keg or pound.  If a keg is estimated at 50#, there is a great deception for some of our kegs do not contain more than 37 or 40 #s.

Our Guns are very bad particularly the barrels.  They splint in the inside after been fired once or twice.

Our Holland twine is better this year than it has been for Years.  One dz makes about 20 fathoms, more than last year.  But it would be better if it was bleached.  The NW Company and old Mr Ermantinger’s Net Thread was always bleached.  It nits better and does not twist up when put into the water.  Our maitre [??] [???] are some years five strand.  Those are too large we have to untwist them and take 2 strands out. Our maitre this year are three strand they are rather coarse but will answer.  They are not durable nor will they last as long as the nets of course they have to be [renewed?].  The best maitres are those we make of Sturgeon twine.  We [?????] the twine and twist it a little.  They last twice as long as our imported maitres.  The great object to be gained is to have the maitres as small as possible if they be strong enough.  Three coarse strands of twisted together is bulky and soon nits.

Our coarse Shoes are not worth bringing into the country.  Strong sewed shoes would cost a little more but they would last longer.  The [Booties?] and fine Shoes are not much better.

Our Teakettles used to have round bottoms.  This year they are flat.  They Indians always prefer the round bottom.

In regard to the observations you have made concerning the Doctor’s deviating from the instructions I gave him on leaving Mackinac, I must in justice to him say that I am now fully convinced in my own mind that he misunderstood me entirely, merely by an expression of mine which was intended by me in regard to his voyage from Mackinac to the Sault but by him was mistaken for the route through Lake Superior.  The circumstances has hurt his feelings much and as he at all times does his best for the Interest of the Outfit I ought to have mentioned in my last letter, but it did not strike my mind at that time.

Detail from Carte des lacs du Canada by Jacques Nicolas Bellin in 1744.

Isle Phelipeaux a.k.a. Isle Minong is a Fata Morgana (mirage) optical illusion of Isle Royale as seen from the “Quiwinau” (Keweenaw) during certain weather phenomena.

When Mr Aitkin was here he mentioned to me some information he had obtained from somebody in Fond du Lac who had been in the NW Co service relating to a remarkable good white fish fishery on the “Milleau” or “Millons” Islands (do not know exactly the proper name).  They lay right opposite to Point Quiwinau.  a vessel which passes between the island and the point can see both.  Among Mr Chapmann’s crew here there is an old man who tells me that he knew the place well, he says the island is large, say 50 or 60 miles.  The Indian used to make their hunts there on account of the great quantity of Beaver and Reindeer.  It is he says where the NWest Co used to make their fishing for Fort William.  There is an excellent harbour for the vessel it is there where the largest white fish are caught in Lake Superior.  Furthermore the old man says the island is nearer the American shore than the English.  Some information might be obtained from Capt. McCargo.  If it proves that we can occupy the grounds I have the most sanguine hopes that we shall succeed in the fisheries upon a large scale.

I hope you will gather all the information you can on the subject.  Particular where the line runs.  If it belongs to the Americans we must make a permanent post on the Island next year under the charge of an active person to conduct the fisheries upon a large scale.

Jh Chevallier one of the men I got in Mackinac is a useless man, he has always been sick since he left Sault.  Mr Aitkin advised me to send him back in Chapman’s Boat.  I have therefore send him out to the care of Mr Franchere.

By the Winter Express I will to give you all the informations that I may be able to give.  I will close by wishing you great health and prosperity.  Please present my Respects to Mr Clapp.

I remain Dear Sir.

Very Respectfully Yours
Most Obedient Servant

Lyman M. Warren

 


 

To be Continued in 1835

By Leo

[Author’s note: This post first appeared in May 2023. I’m reposting it as it is timely once again. The actions (or inactions) of Congress Washington can have far-reaching, unanticipated consequences.]

A minority in congress, feeling threatened by a rapidly changing society, seeks to cling to power and preserve white supremacy. To do this, they abuse institutional rules, make a mockery of the democratic process, and bring the Federal Government to a grinding halt. The consequences prove dire. Stop me if you’ve heard this one before.

The year is 1850. The United States is growing rapidly: settling the Oregon boundary dispute, annexing Texas, and taking New Mexico and California from Mexico. In the north, Irish immigrants are flooding into the urban centers and building railroads that will carry German and Scandinavian farmers to the prairies of the West. This leads to Wisconsin’s statehood in 1848, and Minnesota and Oregon don’t seem far behind. The United States seems to be fulfilling its supposed “Manifest Destiny.”

The Ojibwe of Wisconsin and Upper Michigan are largely out of the way of this “progress.” However, they live on lands already ceded by treaty. Despite promises received upon signing that they could stay on this ceded territory, two things are working against that possibility. The most powerful trading interests have relocated from Lake Superior to the Mississippi They want to bring the Ojibwe bands, and the annuity money and government contracts that accompany them, to Minnesota. Secondly, the Office of Indian Affairs in Washington, is riddled with corruption, cronyism, and general incompetence, and still has Indian Removal as the default policy. All things being equal, in the Government’s eyes, the sooner Indians can get out of the way and be replaced with white settlers, the better.

But not all is sunshine and roses with this unparalleled American expansion. After all, Manifest Destiny is not the only white supremacist force in American society. There is also the complicating factor of the South’s “peculiar institution:” slavery.

For the first half of the 19th century, the slave states and their representatives in Congress were mostly left alone. Systemic protections in the Constitution, and a series of compromises to maintain a “balance of power,” alleviated southern paranoia despite the growing population of the industrial north. Abolitionists were still seen as a radical minority, and most northerners didn’t care one way or the other about slavery.

The Mexican War, however, shook up this uneasy union. One could argue that it had been a war for the expansion of slavery, but when the dust settled, only Texas appeared to be reliable ground for the forces of allowing human beings to own one another. Oregon would be free. The Mormon colony at Salt Lake would be free. And scariest, of all, California might be free.

To make matters worse, a faction of “Free-Soilers” was emerging in Congress. While not full-on abolitionists, these northern representatives, like David Wilmot of Pennsylvania and Abraham Lincoln of Illinois, were bold enough to suggest that owning people should be banned entirely in the newly-acquired territories. In response, the southern presses began to talk openly of dissolving the Union, and the forces for enslavement in Washington dug in.

So, on February 6, 1850, when President Zachary Taylor issued the order to remove the Lake Superior Ojibwe to the Mississippi, few in Washington cared. They were preoccupied by another issue. That same month, California adopted a constitution and applied to enter the Union as a free state.

The Compromise of 1850 admitted California to the Union as a free state while forcing the Fugitive Slave Law upon the North. It was designed to avoid civil war, but only delayed it ten years while hardening each sides’ positions. The toxic and dysfunctional debate over the measures, paralyzed Congress and the United States failed to pay its debts to Indian nations, with horrific consequences (Library of Congress).

In theory, it shouldn’t have mattered. Beyond pork projects and nepotistic appointments, Congress and the President rarely took any direct interest in Indian matters, leaving that to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. The Commissioner, in turn, generally delegated responsibility to his superintendents and agents on the frontier. That was how a corrupt territorial governor named Alexander Ramsey and a barely-literate, sycophantic Indian sub-agent named John S. Watrous ended up in charge of the removal.

Ramsey and Watrous are often portrayed as the primary villains of the failed treaty payment that would become known as the Sandy Lake Tragedy. Hundreds Ojibwe people died of disease, starvation, and exposure in the winter of 1850-51. The governor and sub agent deserve plenty of the blame, for sure, but it should be stated that they stood to gain no benefit from death, misery, or failure. Furthermore, they anticipated the catastrophe and tried to warn Washington of the consequences of inadequate food out or if the money were to somehow not arrive.

That September, Watrous would call on the Ojibwe to skip their fall hunts and assemble at Sandy Lake, while he went to St. Louis to pick up the money for the treaty payments. Why did he not get back until late November, and why did he have no money with him? Slavery.

Every year, Congress had to pass appropriation bills in order for the executive branch to perform its constitutionally required duties. This included the obligations of the United States to fulfill its treaty obligations to Indian nations. This was largely a formality before 1850. Every spring, Congress would pass whatever budget the Indian Department proposed, generally without a lot of debate or delay.

1850 was different. As spring turned to summer preparations for removal were underway at La Pointe, but nothing was happening in Washington. The United States Government was absolutely paralyzed by the California Question. Pro-slavery senators and representatives, feeling their power slipping away, resorted to dirty tricks.

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Hartford Courant

4 June 1850.  Pg. 2

SOUTHERN PLANS.

The Washington correspondent of the New York Commercial Advertiser places the plans and plots of the Southern Members of Congress in the following light.

“The primary object of the arrangements is reported to be the rejection of the claims of California to admission upon any terms whatever, and the defeat of all schemes for the organization of governments for the territories which do not contain an express recognition of slavery.

The leading spirits of this movement in the Senate are reported to be Davis of Miss., Mason of Va. Yulee of Fla., Turney of Tenn.  In the House, Clingman of N. C., Inge of Ala., Toombs and Stephens of Ga., and Meade of Va., control and direct the organization.– Seventy-four members of the lower House are claimed as friendly to the proposed course of proceeding, and have, as is alleged, signed a formal agreement to stand by one another in anything necessary to give effect to their designs.

A prominent part of the plan is to prevent the passage of the annual appropriation bills, and if the Northern majority cannot be otherwise overcome, to force an early adjournment.  The appropriations for the current year of course expire at the end of June next.– Some few appropriations, such perhaps as the interest on the public debt, and the instalments annually payable in Mexico, are continued from year to year by permanent enactments, but with these exceptions all the expenditures of Government depend upon appropriations annually renewable.

After the 30th of June, no officer of Government from the President down to the lowest messenger, can receive one dollar in payment of his services, until the disbursement be ordered by Congress.  The case is the same with expenditures for the support of the judiciary, the army, navy and civil list.  They are all dependent for support upon the action of the legislature, under the clause of the Constitution which makes it the duty of Congress to grant supplies and of the executive officers only to make disbursements upon such authorities.”

It is very evident that the ultra slavery leaders came into Congress, this session, with these plans.  There has been, ever since the session commenced, an evident determination, as they were the minority, to hinder the transaction of business, and if they cannot defeat the Proviso and the friends of non-extension, in any other way, to do it by procrastination.  Such was the design of the ultra Southern Whigs, in their refusal to support Mr. Winthrop.  It was believed that months could be spent in delay, but the vote for a plurality choice broke up this plan, and flung the Speakership upon the very man they wished.  Such was the design of the ultra Southern Democrats in their refusal to support Mr. Forney for Clerk.

Business has, in this way, been hindered; nothing has been accomplished; a few trifling bills only have been passed; and the whole subject of slavery in the territories as far from being settled as ever.  It is very probable, likewise, that when the naked question of the admission of California is brought before the House, if it should ever be reached, the scenes of February 18th would be acted over and with success.  In the mean time, one of the latest numbers of the National Intelligencer shows, by its extracts, that uneasiness and agitation has commenced again at the South, and the experienced and shrewd editors of that paper see signs of another storm.  Would that the North were now united; that the opponents of slavery in Congress had no foolish party cliques to please, no mere party aggrandizement to plan, but would all march up to the breach in the walls of liberty, shoulder to shoulder, and accomplish their great object.

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With the end of the fiscal year approaching on June 30th, failure to pass the appropriations bills was tantamount to both a government shutdown and a debt default. Still, the southern hardliners held on to their open obstructionism, trying to prevent California from entering the Union as a free state:

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Hayneville (AL) Chronicle

29 June 1850, Pg. 2

The following article from the Mobile Register breathes the right spirit.  The rights of the minority must be protected in some way; and if the North, who have the majority in the unequal contest now raging between herself and the South, will not do us justice, let the Representatives of the South stop the wheels of government, by resorting to their rights under the rules, and withholding the appropriation bill.  Let this be done, and another effort will have been made to save the rights and honor of the South, without resorting to that “last extremity”–disunion, and he who then charges a disunion spirit upon the South, will charge a falsehood, with the facts of its refutation staring him in the face.

Aside from all this, we think such a course would be apt to result in bringing the North to her right senses.  The great mass of the funds appropriated by the government is expended and disbursed through the Northern States, and seldom a dollar, comparatively speaking ever reaches the South.  It is in fact the great prop of the Northern manufacturers and capitalists, who feed upon the hard-earned substance of the South, and, at the same time, are found vilifying her institutions.  ‘Fo show the shallow hypocrisy of these people, whenever they hear the subject broached before Congress: whenever they hear it hinted that the South will resort to this mode of settling the question, by withholding the appropriation bill, their high wrought philanthropy immediately sinks into non-entity.  The agitation for a time ceases, and the cry is heard going up from every town and village of the North, to their representatives, “Settle the question, settle the question.”

But, again, on the other hand, we of the South would lose nothing by the appropriation bill being withheld.  We gain nothing by it; and therefore are as well off without it as with it.  The South lives, emphatically by herself, and upon her own resources; and in no wise dependent upon a disbursement of the public funds.  Upon the question of benefit to the South arising from a disbursement of these funds, Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, whose speech upon this subject was one of the most powerful and convincing among the many able speeches of the present session, and a man too who speaks without investigation, holds the following language:

 “The manner of disbursement is also adverse to our interests.  Of the forty odd millions which the Government purposes to disburse this year, I do not believe that five millions will in any way be expended in all the slaveholding States.  North Carolina, for example, is burdened to the extent of not less than four millions, and yet does not get back one hundred thousand dollars in any way from the Government.  The clear loss, in a pecuniary point of view, on account action of the Government, may be set down as not less than three millions annually.–The southern States generally are in the same situation.”

Why should the South hesitate then, to adopt this mode of self-defence, when she loses nothing by it, and when, at the same time, it may be the means of bringing the North to a sense of her duty under the Constitution?  But as remarked by the Register, in the discharge of this duty, beset by so many trials and embarrassments, our members will look for support at home.  This we know they will receive.  Let this mode of baffling the designs of these miserable pseudo-philanthropists, be carried out by the southern members, and they will be greeted by one common should of applause from one end of the southern States to the other:    

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The North had its own hardliners, willing to force California’s statehood at all costs. Though the Free Soilers’ motivations are more understandable to us today, we should acknowledge they were also willing to play games with the process at the expense of keeping the government operating:

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New York Daily Herald

30 June 1850, Pg.4

WASHINGTON, June 28, 1850.

Compromise Caucus in the House

Pursuant to a call published in this morning’s Union, the members of the House, to the extent of some forty odd in number, friendly to the admission of California into the Union, promptly, and disconnected with all other subjects, met in the Hall of the House this evening at eight o’clock.

Mr. Booth (free soiler) of Connecticut, was called to the chair, and Mr. Amos Tuck, N. H., elected secretary.

The chairman briefly stated the object of the meeting to secure by a co-operation of the friends of California, the prompt action of the House to the admission of California into the Union.

Mr. Preston King (free soiler) with a few remarks, introduced a resolution pledging the caucus to support the admission of California to the precedence of all other subjects whatsoever.

Mr. Hugh White, N. Y., was opposed to pledging the caucus to such a course; and contended that in any event the annual appropriations for the support of the government ought not to be entirely set aside, and that it might become necessary to pass them, even of the admission of California.

Mr. Otis, of N. H. took the same view of the subject.

Mr. Giddings felt confident that by the concerted action of the friends of California, and with a determination to push it through, she could be admitted, as far as the House was concerned, in three days; and all that was required was the determination to stick to it, and sit it out.

Mr. Briggs, of New York, concurred in the object of the meeting.  He was in favor of the early admission of California, and though he had been a silent member during the present session, he had paid the most earnest attention to the debates, and was not indifferent by any means to the importance of immediate action.  He was in favor of the admission of California as a separate measure.  Nothing had occurred to change this opinion.  He was in favor of California, free and distinct from any other matter whatsoever.  He had listened to the discussions of the last four or five months attentively, but his mind had undergone no particular change.  It was time that something should be done.  Seven months of the session had been expended, and they had not done more business than should have occupied 30 days.  But there were obstacles still in the way.  He believed that it was the settled determination of the enemies of California, in the House, to arrest any action upon the bill while another bill was pending before the Senate; and as it might be a useless waste of time to contend against such opposition, he thought rather than do nothing in the meantime, it might be as well to act upon the annual appropriations.  Still, he was ready to co-operate with the friends of California, if the bill should be taken up, for her admission, in preference to all other questions.  For the present, he suggested that any decision be postponed till Monday, with a view to a more united expression from a fuller attendance of the the friends of California.

George Briggs (1805-1869), Representative from New York, is a name known in Chequamegon History. Benjamin Armstrong identified him as the man who helped arrange the meeting between Chief Buffalo and President Fillmore in 1852 (Wikimedia)

Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, (free soiler,) was in favor of California, even to the superseding the appropriation bills.  He could not concur with Mr. Briggs in acting upon the appropriations first.  There was no danger on that score.  Whether they were or were not delayed two or three weeks did not make much difference.  Let them go over, for the safest way to secure California is to entertain no other subject till she is admitted.

Mr. Putnam, of New York, offered a resolution, declaring the necessity of the immediate admission of California distinct from all other subjects, and in precedence of all other measures, excepting the annual appropriation bills.  He briefly spoke in support of the resolution, in view of the necessity which might arise to pass the appropriations in advance of action upon California.

Mr. Wilmot of Pa., (free soiler) earnestly urged action upon California as the paramount object.  He was opposed to considering any other subject till that was disposed of; and charged the friends of California with being derelict in their duty, in allowing other matters to supersede that great measure.

Mr. Otis asked in what instance the friends of California had fallen short of their duty.

Mr. Wilmot did not intend to impugn the motives of any man, but referred to the decision of the House on Monday last as a case in point, when they refused to take up the California bill; but went into committee on the bill of land bounties to the soldiers of the last war.

Mr. Otis was satisfied.  He was a young member, and had asked for information, being not as well versed in the rules as the gentleman from Pennsylvania.

Mr. Wilmot maintained that California should take the precedence of the appropriations.  There was no danger of it not passing, however long they might be delayed.  He advised the friends of California to call for the meeting of the House at ten in the morning on the first day in taking up the bill, and that they sit till six P. M., that on the second day they sit till 12 at night, and that on the third day, if the question be not taken, that they continue in session all night, if necessary, and keep at it till it is taken.  Give him the control of the majority of the House, and he could overcome the minority, notwithstanding the rules admit of so many obstructions.

David Wilmot, namesake of the famous Proviso, was the loudest voice in Congress of those unwilling to compromise with enslavers of human beings. However, he clearly underestimated the importance of passing the appropriations on time (Wikimedia).

Mr. Howe, of Pennsylvania, supported the views of Mr. Wilmot.  He was in favor, if necessary, of camping in the House till California is admitted into the Union.

Mr. King withdrew his resolution, and Mr. Putnam so modified his as to declare substantially, that the friends of California would urge her admission as a distinct measure, to the exclusion of all other measures whatsoever.

Mr. Amos Tuck warmly opposing the resolution, denied that the friends of California had been remiss in their duty.  They had done every thing they possibly could do under the rules of the House, crippling their actions in every movement.

Mr. Allen, of Mass. (free soil.) was in favor of California in advance of the appropriations, or after them, if necessary as the caucus might decide.

Mr. Putnam’s resolution, declaring that the friends of California, of the caucus, would contend for her admission till acted upon, in preference to all other measures was finally adopted, with but two or three dissenting voices.

And on motion of Mr. Doty, the caucus adjourned to meet again on Monday next, at 8 P. M.

There were present from the New York delegation this evening, Messrs. Briggs, Hugh White, Putnam, Halloway, Burrows, Schoolcraft, Spalding and Gould, and probably one or two others.

(Your reporter has to say, that he did not hear the caucus was open till too late in the evening to make a full and connected report.  He believes, however, that he has the gist of the proceedings.)

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Further brinksmanship, and President Taylor’s unexpected death, meant it took nearly a month after going over the fiscal cliff before serious debate even started on the appropriations bills. By this point, Watrous and Ramsey had already chosen their new agency site (Sandy Lake), entered into contracts for furnishing provisions and transporting annuity goods, and had notified the Lake Superior Ojibwe bands not to plant gardens because the order to remove to the Mississippi would come any day.

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Baltimore Sun

26 Jul 1850, Pg. 4

[Reported for the Baltimore Sun]

THIRTY-FIRST CONGRESS-1st Session

WASHINGTON, July 25, 1850.

Mr. Bayly, in answer to the inquiry upon the subject, stated that he proposed that the appropriation bills should be taken up in the following order, after the Military Academy bill was disposed of, viz:  1st, The Revolutionary pension bill; 2d, the Navy pension bill; 3d, the Indian appropriation bill; 4th, the Fortification bill; 5th, the bill for the support of the Post-office Department; 6th, the civil and diplomatic bill; 7th, the Navy bill; 8th, the Army bill.

Rep. Thomas H. Bayly, of Virginia, was Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means. He was also an enslaver of human beings (U.S. House)

Mr. Harris, of Illinois, inquired whether if California should be admitted, would it not become necessary to pass an additional appropriation bill, should these bills be passed before her admission

Mr. Bayly –If California should come in as a State, a very small modification of the appropriation bills would be necessary; but if a territorial government merely was provided for California, a new appropriation bill would be necessary.

Mr. Harris –Then it would be better to dispose of the California question first.

Mr. Bayly expressed the hope that gentlemen would not open up a general debate on the appropriation bills which he proposed to take up before the civil and diplomatic bill.  If so, these appropriation bills could be got through in several days.

Mr. Stanton, of Tennessee, was disposed to take the advice of the chairman of the committee on ways and means, in regard to suppressing general debated on certain of the appropriation bills, but in doing so he would like to know something in regard to the time of adjournment.  For the whole debate might be restricted by an order for adjournment, to a day or two, and thus would debate be suppressed entirely.  Our course should be shaped in regard to a general debate upon the probability of an adjournment.

Mr. Bayly said it was not his intention to make any proposition for an adjournment.  As the fiscal year had already commenced, it was important that these bills should be passed without delay.

Mr. Stanton,  What time would it be before the House could adjourn.

Mr. Bayly –So far as the appropriation bills are concerned, we will be in a condition to adjourn on the day on which they shall have passed.  He supposed those bills might be disposed of in two weeks.

Mr. Bissell –If we pass those bills and adjourn, what will become of California?  I am opposed to passing those bills, and thus putting it in the power of Congress to adjourn, until California is disposed of…

These advertisements appeared in this same issue of the Baltimore Sun.

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Washington [DC] Union

14 Aug 1850, Pg. 3

IN CONGRESS OF THE U. STATES.

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Thirty-First Congress–First Session.

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FRIDAY, AUGUST 2, 1850.

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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Mr. BAYLY moved to lay aside the subject-matter, and to take up the Indian appropriation bill; and on this motion tellers were called and ordered, when it was agreed to–ayes 98, noes 45.

The Indian appropriation bill being before the committee,

Mr. KAUFMAN moved the rising of the committee to enable him to offer the usual resolution to fix the period for the end of this debate:  not agreed to

Mr. SIBLEY next spoke for an hour, principally in explanation of the condition of Indian affairs in Minnesota, and arguing that it was high time to entirely remodel the whole Indian system of the government.

Mr. MASON addressed the House in reply to Mr. SIBLEY, arguing that no efforts of this government could elevate the red man to the condition of the white.  He held that the negro was also incapable of being educated so as to give him, as a race, the character and qualities of the white man, and criticised with force and severity the efforts of those who labored to force anti-slavery and negro equality on the South.   

After a few remarks from Mr. GIDDINGS in reply to Mr. MASON, the committee rose to enable the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means to offer the usual resolution for closing the debate on the Indian appropriation bill.

Henry H. Sibley, Minnesota Territorial Delegate was one of the primary architects of the Ojibwe removal efforts. He had a large personal and economic stake in making sure the annuity payment could be made (Wikimedia).

Mr. BAYLY then offered a resolution to close that debate in five minutes after the House should again go into committee on the bill:  agreed to.

An ineffectual motion to adjourn over until Monday, when the House should adjourn, was then made.

After which, on motion, the House again went into a Committee of the Whole on the state of Union, and, taking up the annual Indian appropriation bill, amendments thereto were proposed and advocated in five-minute’s speeches by Messrs BAYLY, JOHNSON of Arkansas, CARTTER, EVANS of Maryland, HOUSTON, DUNHAM, FITCH, BISSELL, TOOMBS, CROWELL, THOMPSON of Mississippi, and BROWN of Indian.

The committee next rose, and, after an ineffectual motion to adjourn over until Monday next, the House adjourned.

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Henry Hastings Sibley, Territorial Delegate to Congress for Minnesota, advocated here for a more humane (i.e. assimilationist) Indian Policy for the United States. He had a long career with the American Fur Company, its successor, the Chouteau Fur Co., and in Minnesota politics. For his own Dakota daughter’s sake, he would have felt compelled to defend the humanity of Native people, but his general record on Native issues was not good. He was no fan of Indian cultures, a believer in Manifest Destiny, and above all, a ruthless businessmen. He was one of the primary architects of the Ojibwe removal, and had to have known that blood would be on his hands if the annuity funds for the Ojibwe, Ho-Chunk, and Dakota failed to materialize.

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Alexandria [VA] Gazette

5 Aug 1850, Pg. 2

Indian Appropriation Bill.

In the House of Representatives, on Friday, on motion of Mr. BAYLY, the House resolved itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union; and the California bill having been laid aside–ayes 98.  noes 49– the committee took up the bill making appropriations for the current and contingent expenses of the Indian department, and for fulfilling treaty stipulations with various Indian tribes for the year ending June 30, 1851.

Mr. SIBLEY, the delegate from Minnesota, after speaking of the privileges of delegates, proceeded to address the committee on the subject of the Indians and the policy which should be pursued with regard to them.  It was very important, he insisted, that there should always be good commissioners to negotiate treaties:  and the savages should not be left to find out how they have been betrayed and cheated.  Not one treaty in ten has been carried out in good faith.  The evil of this is not confined to the tribes who have been wronged, but is communicated to others, who are kept in check by the superior power of the Government.  The Seminole war, it would be recollected, cost thirty or forty millions of dollars.  A principle should be adopted more in accordance with principles of justice and morality.  The efforts of the Christian missionaries who go among the Indians to civilize them are in effect obstructed by the conduct of the Government.  The Indians doubt the sincerity of its agents.  It is a fallacy that the diminution of the Indians is owing altogether to strong drink.  This is true to a small extent:  but the main reason is, the Indian, having disposed of his land, is cast out as a vagabond.  Some stimulus to industry must be placed before him, and he must have confidence in the faith of the Government.  The first step to be taken for the improvement of the Indians is to extend over them the laws of the United States.  At an early period of the session he proposed to give them those of Minnesota and Oregon, in which he had the concurrence of the delegate from the last named Territory.  He could say, with sincerity, that unless this bill be passed all other plans must fail.  It was the substratum on which all other measures for the amelioration and improvement of the Indians must rest.  If any thing is to be done for them, it must be done now.

Mr. MASON said that as to making the white, red, and black man perfectly equal, he totally despaired.  Nature’s God made the black man, and when it is undertaken to make him equal with the white, by law, an impossibility is attempted.  Our friends in the free States have manifested as great a desire to elevate the position of the African race–the black man–as his friend from Minnesota had to elevate the condition of the red man.  Legislation, in this respect, would have as much effect as the passage of a law to make every variety of birds the same color.

Mr. SIBLEY inquired whether some of the first families of Virginia had not boasted that they had Indian blood in their veins?  John Randolph did, as being a descendant of Pocahontas.

Mr. MASON admitted all that, and that there were most able, eloquent, and patriotic men who descended, in part, from the Indian race:  but would the gentleman say that this is common, or only an exception to the rule?  And then there was a sprinkle of the white man in the exception.  Eloquent, able men may be found among the Indians, but the mass is not of that character.  The gentleman spoke of manual labor schools, for the purpose of educating them.  Now, it is known that they are not formed for labor.  They have no natural disposition to labor, and he did not know whether the white man has.  [Laughter.]

Mr. SIBLEY remarked that the gentleman was much mistaken when he said that the Indians do not labor.  They, as a general thing, labor as much as the white man.  The life of the hunter requires more endurance than the ordinary labor of the white man.

Mr. MASON.  That is a life above all others, suited to the Indians, and it is a labor and endurance of certain character.  Generally, they are averse to labor, and every effort to make them labor, as a mass, is to destroy them.  He then proceeded to contrast the happy condition of the negroes of our own country with those of Africa.  As to putting them on an equality with the white man, the attempt might as well be made to fly without wings.  In the conclusion of his remarks, he spoke of the subjects which now agitate the country, and of the necessity of settling them on a fair and just basis to all parts of the Confederacy.

Mr. GIDDINGS said that the time when Congress ordinarily adjourns had arrived, and he asked gentlemen whether it was not due to themselves and the country that they should now act.  This was all he desired to submit.

Mr. STANLY remarked that if the gentleman and his friends would not discuss the Wilmot proviso, in three weeks the California, Territorial, and other bills could be passed, and all go home.

Mr. GIDDINGS said that, if the questions should come up, he would treat them fairly, would not detain the committee one moment beyond what it was his duty to do, and vote with all possible alacrity.

Mr. BAYLY said that there was not a contested item in the bill.  All the appropriations were to carry out existing treaties.  This being the case, and as two speeches have been made, he moved that the committee rise.

The motion was agreed to:  when Mr. Bayly submitted a resolution, that all debate on the bill shall cease in five minutes after the House shall go again into committee.

Mr. STANTON, of Tennessee, said he did not know how long they were to stay here–perhaps during the fall.  It was necessary they should have rest:  and he proposed that when the House adjourn, it adjourn to meet on Monday next.

The question was then taken, and decided in the negative.

The House again went into committee; and the consideration of the bill making appropriations to defray the expenses of the Indian department, &c., was resumed.

Five minute speeches were made on amendments; and the committee rose without coming to a conclusion, when.

Mr. POTTER moved that when the House adjourn, it adjourn until Monday.  The motion was disagreed to–ayes 41, noes 61.  And

The House adjourned until next day.

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The Delay of Congress.

Congress has been in session eight months, and yet it has not passed a single bill of any consequence.  The neglect to pass the usual appropriation bills, which extend only to the first of July, is perhaps the most shameful evidence of its disregard of public duty.  Many persons having claims upon the government, are now waiting from day to day to have them satisfied, with scarcely any nearer prospect of its being done than there was seven or eight months ago.  This is particularly the case with the wives of seamen in service abroad, whose half pay constitutes, with their own toil, all the dependence of themselves and families.–The scenes at the office of the Navy Agent, are painful to contemplate.  The appropriation has run out, and there is no money to give these poor women, whose husbands so hardly earn the poor pittance they receive.  They have been kept already one month in suspense, causing no doubt an infinite amount of distress and suffering among them.  Of course there is no help for these sufferers.  The members at Washington, who are receiving their eight dollars per day for eight months of worse than idle talk, for much of it is positively mischievous, care very little for others, as long as their own wants are supplied.  But if anything could add to the disgraceful state of things at Washington, it is this robbing of the poor, by withholding from them so long their just earnings.Phil. Ledger.

This advertisement appeared in the very same issue of the Alexandria Gazette.

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As July turned to August, and the government shutdown and debt default entered its second month, the logjam in Washington began to break. This came about with the failure of the centrist “Omnibus Bill” which would have admitted California as a free state, banned the slave trade in Washington D.C., and forced northerners to assist in returning fugitives to their enslavers. The omnibus proved unacceptable to enough northern Free Soilers, and enough southern hardline Democrats, to have no chance. Breaking it into pieces allowed for majorities on each individual measure, but arguably hastened the march toward civil war.

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[Washington D.C.] Southern Press

5 August 1850, Pg. 2


THE COMPROMISE BILL.–From all the indication derived from Washington, this famous measure has shared a merited fate, and is ere this consigned to the tomb of the Capulets.  It has been one of the veriest humbugs of the day.  While its friends professed to herald it forth as the harbinger of peace and tranquility, it contained within itself the very elements of discord and seeds of disunion.  The most extraordinary efforts were used to gild the nauseous pill and make it palatable to the public taste.  But they were mere quack nostrums and fortunately unsuccessful.  The South asked for bread, and out politicians were disposed to give them a stone–for a fish, and they offered them a serpent.  The scheme is now dead, dead as a mackerel, and there is no power to galvanize it into life and being.  The probability is that the bill to admit California into the Union will likewise fail.  We hope the true friends to the South will resist it “at every hazard and to the last extremity.”  All that is required, is that our own people should be united, and they can dictate their own terms to a sordid and reckless majority.Southern Argus, Va.

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The Indian Appropriation Bill had to not only meet the United States’ existing treaty obligations, it also set the agenda and budget for further treaties and removals. It was also a prime target for riders and amendments for congressmen looking to give political patronage. It took several weeks to hammer out the details. It would ultimately include a removal fund for the Lake Superior Chippewa, on top of the regular annuity fund.

Meanwhile, back in Minnesota Territory, sub-agent Watrous finalized details for food to be placed along the removal path and approved licenses for La Pointe-based traders to start trading on the upper Mississippi. All that was waiting was final word from the governor to notify the bands to remove. Ramsey, however, was stuck in limbo. With the government shut down, employees couldn’t be paid, contracts couldn’t be honored, and the annuity funds could not be released. Washington had put him in full command of the removal, but he still wrote them confused if he should proceed. He did not get a clear answer.

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New York Tribune

12 August 1850, Pg. 6

Our Indian Relations– President Fillmore’s Position.

Correspondence of the Tribune

WASHINGTON, Friday, Aug. 9.

The Indian Appropriation bill ought to have been passed long ago, as annuities past due are still unpaid.  This bill is a more important on than is generally supposed, as it contains provisions for extinguishing Indian titles to land in the new Territories.  In the bill just passed, appropriations are made for negotiating treaties with the Indians on the borders of Mexico, in Texas, and in Minnesota.  The rush of emigration to Minnesota requires that the Government get possession of lands as speedily as possible.  It contains over 160,000 square miles, of which only about 15,000 are available.  This is but a small portion of a Territory that must be settled with unparalleled rapidity.  Gov. RAMSEY and HUGH TYLER, Esq. of Penn. are to be the Commissioners for making the treaties in Minnesota, by whom this high trust will be executed with promptness and fidelity.

It is hoped that in future no treaties will be made with stipulations for annuities in tobacco and the worthless baubles which are give to the Indians, at large cost to the Government, as presents.  Such gifts are positively injurious to the Indians, and afford too great opportunity for official harpies to get rich on the appropriations for such purposes.  It is derogatory to the character of the nation, and should be corrected.  If one half the money paid to Indians had been expended for their education and the arts of civilized life, the condition of the red man would have nearly equalled that of the whites, but as long as treaties are made which bequeath all the vices with none of the blessings of civilization, there can be but little hope of elevating them to the industrious and useful pursuits of life.  On this subject, it is believed, The Tribune will not keep silent, as there is but little in the history of our national legislation for the Indians which commends itself to the approval of good men.

If treaties are made hereafter stipulate the payment of tobacco, trinkets and other worthless articles, they should not be ratified; nor should merchandise form any portion of the annuities.  It would be far better not to appropriate money to the Indians than to expend it in a manner that encourages rascality among agents, and vicious tastes and habits among those who should be benefited thereby.  I go for a “proviso” in regard to the mode of expending money for the Indians.

The flames excited in the breasts of the extreme factionists of the South by the timely and judicious message of President FILLMORE are subsiding, as they find it so direct in its reasonings and so national in tone as to render opposition extremely ridiculous.  The President will be sustained with firmness in the position he has wisely taken, and it is generally believed his message will lead to a speedy and satisfactory adjustment of these boundary difficulties, which, after all, constitute the great bone of contention on the questions relating to Slavery.  If this be done promptly, Congress will probably adjourn about the first of October; if not, there will be an interim of a few days only, by which mileage will be paid to the members.

Yours, ARGUS

~~~~~~~~~~~~~  

Indian Appropriations.

The Bill now before the House of Representatives, making appropriations for the current and contingent expenses of the Indian Department, and for fulfilling Treaty stipulations with various Indian tribes, for the year ending June 30, 1851, contains the following items:

PAY OF OFFICERS, &C.

Superintendent Indian Affairs at St. Louis–with the Indian Agents $18,000

Sub-Agents, Interpreters and Clerks 23,150

Buildings at Agencies 2,000

Presents to Indians 5,000

Contingencies 56,500

____________

TO THE TRIBES.

Christian Indians $400

Chippewas of Saginaw 5,800

Chippewas, Menamonies, Winnebagoes and New Call Indians 1,500

Chippewas of Lake Superior and Mississippi 70,800

Chickasaws 3,000

[31 lines omitted from transcription]

Weas 3,000

Chippewas of Lake Superior and Mississippi 4,600

Pottowatamies 32,150

Creeks 1,275

Iowas 1,500

Ottawas and Chippewas 2,412

Wyandots 1,029

Cherokees 1,500

Choctaws 87,200

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Summer dragged on, and the shutdown entered its third month. Tensions in congress stayed high. It was now past time when the session should have adjourned. Individual members wanted to go home, and with eight months of gridlock and the grueling procedural processes necessary to move legislation, the opportunities to press personal grievances proved too tempting.

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[New York] Evening Post

2 September 1850, Pg. 1

CHIVALRY

There were rather characteristic illustrations of chivalry in the House this morning and yesterday.  Mr. Bayly has been desirous of having the Indian Appropriation bill passed.  Yesterday he called it up, a motion which required unanimous consent.  Mr. Sweetser, of Ohio, who sits about three seats removed from Bayly, rose and objected, and of course the motion could not be entertained.  Mr. Bayly hereupon rose from his seat, leaned over towards Mr. Sweetzer, shook his finger at him in a very menacing manner, and said, as I understand, “You are a spiteful little cur,” with some additional epithets not necessary to repeat.

This morning the Chairman of the Ways and Means renewed his motion, and again Mr. Sweetzer rose and objected, and sat down.  Mr. Bayly again rose, precisely as before, shook his finger in the face of Mr. Sweetzer, and said, among other things, “If you ever object to another motion of mine in this House, I will wring your nose, G-d d–n you.”–These words were spoken so loud as to be distinctly heard across the hall, though, of course, they were not intended to go into the debates.  Mr. Sweetzer made a motion with his hand as if he would have thrown an inkstand into the face of his insulter, but Mr. Thompson, of Miss., interposed, and no violence occurred in the House.  Mr. Sweetzer soon after left the House; as he was doing so a friend asked him what he was about to do, to which he replied that he would arm himself, and would then determine.  It was the opinion of every member whom I heard allude to the affair, that the insult on the part of Bayly was so gross, wanton, and intolerable, that, had Mr. Sweetzer had the means to do it, he would have been warranted in summarily taking his life. X.

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Back at Sandy Lake, Watrous began to panic. He wrote Ramsey warning that he had only purchased enough food to cover the bands’ journey to Sandy Lake and for the normal duration of a payment. Furthermore, high water had wiped out most of the rice crop. The sub-agent openly expressed his concern that starvation would ensue if the removal funds or the payment were delayed. Still, the two men were mostly concerned with preserving their own reputations for fiscal responsibility. With no word from Washington on when the funds would be available for pickup, and the Ojibwe ready to split off into small groups for fall hunts, Ramsey and Watrous, decided to force the removal through anyway. Watrous sent word to the bands to assemble at Sandy Lake in early October, where they would be fed and receive the money obligated to them by treaty.

Congress, meanwhile, was working through its backlog of legislation. They passed the various parts of the discarded omnibus bill, separately, in what has gone down in American history as the infamous “Compromise of 1850.” California entered the Union, but the accompanying Fugitive Slave Law would force the north to confront the evils of slavery directly. On September 30th, after three months of default, President Fillmore was finally able to sign the appropriation bills.

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Vicksburg Whig

9 Oct 1850, Pg.2

BY TELEGRAPH

To the N. O. Picayune:

BALTIMORE, Monday, Sept. 30.

Congressional,–The Fortification, the Bounty Land, the Navy and Army Appropriation, the Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation, the Indian appropriation, and the Light House bills, have been slightly amended, passed and signed by the President.

[BY THE WESTERN LINE.]

THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.–LOUISVILLE, October 3.–Mixed meetings of whites and blacks have been held in the city of New York, and in Springfield and Worcester, Mass., denouncing the Fugitive Slave law.  At Springfield, where many runaway negroes have gathered, resolutions have passed to resist the execution of the law at all hazards.


FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL.–The bill for the more easy reclamation of fugitive slaves was signed by President Fillmore on the 18th of August, and is now the law of the land.  We shall shortly publish it.  What a queer was President Fillmore has of displaying “abolitionism!”  He signs territorial bills without the proviso; he keeps appointing Southern men to vacant seats in his cabinet, so as to give the South a majority; and finally he approves of the most stringent fugitive slave bill that the wit of Southern Senators can devise.  “By their works ye shall know them.”  –Natchez Courier.

These advertisements appeared in the very same issue of the Vicksburg Whig.

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On October 6th, with some members of the removal bands already arriving at Sandy Lake, Watrous left for St. Louis. If he hesitated any longer the food would surely run out, and the Mississippi might ice over. In 1850, however, there were no wire transfers or debit cards. Treaty payments were made in coin, and it took time to box up and transport coin. The sub-agent found no funds at St. Louis and returned emptyhanded to Sandy Lake in November–a full month later than the scheduled payment. By that time, the food was gone, and disease had broken out in the crowded camps occupied by thousands of Ojibwe people. The Sandy Lake Tragedy had begun and would still get worse. Estimates vary, but up to four hundred would die senselessly before winter was over.

Historians like to speak of proximate versus ultimate causes. Did World War I begin because a Serbian nationalist assassinated an archduke in Sarajevo, or was it the result of unchecked competition among imperial powers in Europe? The answer is both. The assassination was the proximate, or direct, cause, but the ultimate causes went deeper.

It isn’t difficult to find ultimate causes for why hundreds of Ojibwe people died at Sandy Lake in the winter of 1850-51. One can point to deceptive treaties, a corrupt Indian Department, greedy special interests, and a systematic failure to listen to Ojibwe leadership. However, pinning down the proximate cause has proven harder. We feel compelled to find individual villains who through greed, cowardice, or incompetence committed sins of both omission and commission. Among these are Ramsey, Watrous, Rice, Sibley, Hall, Warren, Oakes, Borup, and others. However, all of those men wanted the annuity money to arrive Sandy Lake, as promised, and stood lose something if it didn’t. So, why didn’t the money materialize? Who is to blame for that?

The American slavery history and Lake Superior history intersect more often than you would think. Chequamegon History has examined this a little in this post, and this post. Did you know that in in the infamous Dred Scott v. Sanford case, plaintiffs Dred and Harriet Scott argued that Harriet should was free because she had been once held at Fort Snelling in the free Wisconsin Territory, by Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro, Indian Agent? Those who have studied early-19th century Ojibwe history will recognize that name (National Park Service)

America’s rapid expansion into a world superpower, spanning from sea to shining sea, was built, in part, on two white-supremacist myths. The first held that white people were destined to inevitably own the lands of North America. Just as inevitably, the Indian nations of those lands must disappear: Manifest Destiny. The second myth held that the statement “all men are created equal” did could not apply to people of African descent, and that somehow one human being could own another in this “new nation, conceived in liberty:” Slavery. It is very obvious that the first myth fits into story of the Sandy Lake Tragedy. The deeper you look, the more obvious it becomes that the second does too.


Paap, Howard D. Red Cliff, Wisconsin a History of an Ojibwe Community ; Volume 1 The Earliest Years: the Origin to 1854. North Star Press of St. Cloud, Inc., 1854.

Satz, Ronald N. Chippewa Treaty Rights: the Reserved Rights of Wisconsin’s Chippewa Indians in Historical Perspective. University of Wisconsin Press, 1997.

Schenck, Theresa M. William W. Warren: The Life, Letters, and times of an Ojibwe Leader. Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 2007. Print.

White, Bruce. "The Regional Context of the Removal Order of 1850," in McClurken, James M. et al., Fish in the Lakes, Wild Rice, and Game in Abundance: Testimony on Behalf of Mille Lacs Ojibwe Hunting and Fishing Rights, James M. McClurken, Compiler. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press, 2000.

By Leo and Amorin

The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833-1849, compiled and edited by Theresa Schenck, and published by University of Nebraska Press in 2012, are a fascinating window into Ojibwe Country at a pivotal time in history.  Chequamegon History frequently cites this work, which consists of eighteen journals kept by a Protestant missionary during his largely unsuccessful labors among the Ojibwe people of western Lake Superior and the upper Mississippi country.  In it, Dr. Schenck alludes to a nineteenth journal, not published in the book, dealing with the liquor trade at La Pointe in the years 1847 and 1848. The original manuscripts are held by the Northeast Minnesota Historical Center at the University of Minnesota-Duluth.  Other historical societies hold transcripts made by Grace Lee Nute and Veronica Houle in the 1930s.  Here we present our own transcription of Journal 19.Unlike numbers 1-18, Journal 19 is less a personal diary and more an official log of incidents related liquor trafficking and drunkenness on Madeline Island and surrounding regions.  During those years, Ely was a teacher at the La Pointe Mission under Rev. Sherman Hall and also provided assistance to Rev. Leonard Wheeler at the Bad River Mission.  These missionaries came from the New England evangelical tradition of the Second Great Awakening, which in addition to trying to convert the peoples of the world, also produced movements for Abolitionism, Women’s Suffrage, and Temperance.  Letters indicate that some form of La Pointe Temperance Society was created in the late 1840s. Journal 19 references papers on file, indicating that the document may actually be the official log of the Temperance Society, probably having the intent to produce evidence against illegal liquor traders.

The use of alcohol in the fur trade goes back four centuries, to the earliest French presence on Lake Superior.  Government and church efforts to suppress that trade go back almost as far.  These measures, however, were never successful in fully eliminating liquor from the trade.  By 1847, the laws related to alcohol at La Pointe were somewhat ambiguous.  The Intercourse Acts of the United  States prohibited the sale of liquor to Indians and on Indian lands.  Enforcement, therefore, was the responsibility of the Government Sub-Agent.  However, there were questions over whether his jurisdiction extended to non-Natives, to mix-blood Ojibwe people with American citizenship, or to transactions completed on the water of Lake Superior.  Suffice it to say, both Federal laws and local ordinances prohibiting alcohol were enforced irregularly.  The missionaries found this maddening.

Edmund F. Ely was perfect for the job of professional tattletale.  For one thing, he was good at being disliked. He had numerous enemies in both the Ojibwe and the non-Native population.  Around the time he was driven out of Fond du Lac by the chiefs of that community, he even went so far as to compile a list of reasons why the Fond du Lac Ojibwe disliked him.  He would later go on to alienate several of the early settlers of Superior and Duluth during the McCracken-Ludden Affair, and he often sent complaints about his fellow missionaries back to headquarters in Boston.

We, today, are also fortunate that Ely had this job.  Most accounts from this era, about the destructive power of alcohol in the Laker Superior trade are very similar in nature.  We get a lot of righteous screeds, emphasizing only sensational violence.  These are long on moralizing and short on interesting detail. Ely is certainly moralistic to the point of sanctimony, and some of his accounts are extremely violent. However, Journal 19 preserves the same types of details and idiosyncratic observations that makes the earlier journals so compelling.  Because of this, we get a true window into the nuances of 1840s La Pointe society.  Despite lax or selective enforcement of liquor laws, we arguably see a community less affected by alcohol than the nearby white settlements at St. Croix and Ontonagon.  Finally, we get to see familiar characters, learn of their triumphs and failures, and hear stories both horrific and humorous, but seemingly very real.

 


The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely:

LaPointe 1847-1848

Journal # 19


1847

Shagouamik is today’s Long Island, the original La Pointe Chequamegon.United States Indian Sub-Agent at La Pointe, James P. Hays, was expected to enforce the liquor ban.  That same summer of 1847, he was nearly fired for a drunken incident with his interpreter, William W. Warren. 

May.

Adams of Ontonagon came to Bad River with goods & Whiskey, for trade with the Indians.  He first past into the Bay behind Shagouamik & the whiskey was secreted near the sand cut.  Mr. Hayes (Sub-Agt) Learning of this movement went in search, & destroyed [it at once.  50 to 80 Quarts sold.]

Aug.

The Sail Boat “Flying Indian” [came ashore for sale] with whiskey & secreted it [illeg.]

Schooner “Fur Trader” searched by the Sub Agent & [33] qua [btls] of Liquour in bottles destroyed.

[omitted or illegible sentence]

Steam Boat “Julia Palmer” boarded and searched at the [Sault] [illeg.] of [illeg.]

Martin Beaser,a prominent name in early Ashland history, got his start here as an illegal liquor trader.  These late summer incidents, in both 1847 and 1848, coincide with the La Pointe annuity payments

Augt.

Martin Beser, of Ontonagon arrived in a Yawl–with a few others, reported as passengers.  Journalist has been informed that she brought part of the load (whiskey) of the Flying Indian.  Probably had considerable whiskey of belonging to Beser & the Passengers.

— Besor’s boat with himself, Chas. Rowley & a stranger on board (all intoxicated) was upset in a squall while cruis about Eleven o clk P.M. while cruising about the harbour.  Wind Northerly.  They drifted on to Shagouamik & struck some distance off the point on the shoal in about 4ft water.  Men lay on the side of the boat, benumbed, helpless, & almost speechless & inconscious.

—It being surmised from certain movements, by a member of the Temp. Socy. that a Bbl of Whiskey would be removed from the Island to Shagouamik.  Mr. Hayes was informed, who sent off Mr. Smith & two strikers, before day break, to keep a look-out.  Mr. Smith discovered Besor’s boat–took off the men & brought them to Cadottes–where they were seen by Messrs Wheeler & Johnson & others.

Waabishkibines (White Bird) was a headman in Dagwagaane’s band and later a chief at Bad River. Kebebizindų may have been a student at Ely’s school.  Ely noting of the day of the week, (Sabbath), is no coincidence.  The Protestant missionaries were obsessed with keeping the Sabbath holy and would have seen liquor trading on Sundays as especially heinous.

“–Sab.

Besor’s boat left, and were obliged to put in to Bad River where were encamped the Lac du Flambeau Wisconsin Indians Indians returning from payment.  There was liquor enough onboard to commence a trade.  The Indians were supplied & became intoxicated.  The wife of White Bird (mother of Kebebizindų) was present, who states that an Ind rec’d a bottle from one of the men on board, in exchange for a Blanket, but as ascertaining it contained only water went to take his Blanket again, whereupon Besor resisted him & knocked him down with a Rifle.  The Ind’s were roused by the report that the white men were killing the man, & as the boat shoved off the shore, fired upon it, shot & ball, one Ball passed through the post of the ship keel [cent]. & struck lodged in the arm of James Dorman, who had thrown himself there off place of safety.  Boat put back to Warren’s for surgical help–left Dorman & went off same day (Sunday)

[perpendicular to beginning of struck-out statement]
Incorrect

[in margin at beginning of struck-out statement]
Sab previous

[perpendicular to ending of struck-out statement]
This statement is incorrect see Whitebird’s wife’s statement on file.

On the last two days of the payment,

Bottles of liquor were smuggled ashore in the pockets of dealers, & sold for $1, per bottle, or exchanged for blankets.  Some bottles were found to contain only water.  The trade in bottles was carried on, (it is believed) through the windows of the Julia Palmer.  Capt. Wood, of the steamer was detected in the night, landing his yawl, with bottles of whiskey in possession.  Some two or three Bbls, (in different sized casks) were found & destroyed by Govt.

A number of prominent members of La Pointe society enter the journal in November.   John W. Bell, himself a notorious alcoholic, was first Judge and Justice of the Peace for La Pointe County.  His history with Ely went back to the 1830s at Fond du Lac, where Ely was a missionary and Bell was a clerk for William A. Aitken.  Ely stops short of accusing Bell of selectively applying the law, but he notes that Julius Austrian’s complaint against an Ontonagon competitor, Francois Boudrie was pursued while Chief Jechiikwii’o’s (Little Buffalo’s) complaint against local shoemaker George Millette went unheeded. Ely chooses to press the issue with Charles Oakes, of the powerful American Fur Company.  Oakes and Austrian were not immune to facing accusations of liquor trading, but being considerably wealthier than small-time traders like Boudrie or Millette, they were unlikely to face consequences.

Nov.

Francois Boudrie of Ontonagon arrived here with whiskey.  Evidence was obtained of his having infringed the law in selling to Indians & also of selling without licence.  Mr. Austrian lodged a complaint with Justice Bell & Boudrie was brought to trial, but from his supposed inability to pay the fine, & there being no prison, at the was set at liberty on securing an amount of $5 for costs, without bonds “to keep the peace” being required to enter into Bonds to keep the peace.

— Jejiguaio complained to Justice Bell against Millette for selling whiskey to Indians in exchange for paymt. goods.  Case not examined–

— gave Mr. Oakes a list of goods, traded for whiskey with Millette.  Indian was dissatisfied needed his goods & wished to get them again.

May 13.

Francis Boudrie of Ontonagon brought whiskey to Bad River for trade with the Inds.  B. confessed his crime to Messrs. Wood & Wheeler.  An officer warrant was issued by Justice Bell, but the officer arrived too late to arrest him, he having left the Territory.

Charles Bresette and Henry Beaulieu were members of prominent La Pointe fur-trade families.  Bresette was a grandson of the La Pointe chief, Mizay, and nephew of Edawegizhig, both La Pointe chiefs.  Beaulieu was the grandson of Apishkaagaagi and nephew of Aamoons, both Lac du Flambeau chiefs.  This entry confirms that John S. Watrous, later the notorious Sub-agent of the Sandy Lake Tragedy, got his start at La Pointe in the liquor trade.

May 6.

Propeller Independence arrived from Sault St. Maries.  Not known that any intoxicating liquor was landed save 2 Bbls cider for Mr. Watrous.

19th

Chas. Brissett states that Henry Beaulieu told him he (Henry) bought one bottle of liquor of Watrous for $1. (Whh Henry denies)  Some observed Henry to be, in their estimation, a little excited from drink.

May 23.

Propeller Independence arrived today from Sault St. Maries.  Dr. Borup & fam, & J. P. Hayes Esq. passengers.

Here, the journal stops following strict chronological order and instead records second-hand reports from the L’Anse and Ontonagon country in the Upper Peninsula of Michigan.

Items gathered at Ance Kiueonaui.  In Oct Last, 3 young men (Indian) from the methodist Station, went across the bay to Meniclear’s, got whiskey, & returned drunk.  One of them lay on the shore & died in the night.  A coroner’s Inquest was held on the body.            (P.O. Johnson)

Some time in Nov. or Dec.

A canadian came through from Green Bay in company with J. Paull of Ontonagon, got liquor of Geo. Burkett, & was drunk some days, was then attacked (with pluerisy probably) & died          (P.O. Johnson)

In Jany.

3 miners came from Copper Harbour, on their way to Green Bay, with considerable money.  They stopped at Meniclear’s & gave themselves to drinking one or two days, during which, one did a severe wound in the hand, and another found himself minus about $100.         (Johnson)

There are 5 traders at L’Ance, viz.

P. Crebassa no whiskey
Meniclear Whiskey & drinker
Geo. Burkett. do – do
Sherman do – do
Sheldon do – do

2 of the above drinkers, also abuse their families.

Some time in the fall of 1847,

John Champaigne, in the Employment of Doct. Kane, on their way up the ontonagon was seized with delirium tremens, & died.  Had been drinking at the mouth of Ontonagon.–

March 2nd, 1848.

Jas. Landergrun was found in a dying state on the Ice, Ontonagon River, for particulars see the letter of Mr. Saml O. Knapp (on file)

Feb 7. 1847.

After covering a year of death and destruction in the UP, Ely turns to the even deadlier St. Croix Country. The ambiguity of Chief Noodin’s involvement in the killing of Henry Rust is covered in our Chequamegon History Collections: Documents Related to the Treaty of Fond du Lac (1847)  W.H.C. Folsom names Baptiste Rabideaux as the killer of another whiskey dealer, Alexander Livingston, in 1849, for which another chief, Oshaage, was charged.  Ely names Rabideaux in this earlier incident.  Apparently, there were so many murders on the St. Croix, that people couldn’t keep them straight.  In both the Rust and Livingston killings, there is a suggestion that the chiefs may have taken the rap for other members of their bands.

Henry Rust was killed shot by a shot from an Nodin or his son in law, at Dicks Drakes trading house on Snake River St. Croix, Co. Drake & another man were drunk & were fired upon they were too drunk to know much about the circumstances for particulars, see statement of J. P. Hayes Esq (on file)

May 1848.

–Drake shot dead killed by a shot Bapt. Robideau– Liquor the cause.

June 19.

Schooner Swallow arrived from Sault St. Maries.  freight for Messrs Hyde, Leopoled & N. Fur Co.

March.

Mr. Cash of Ontonagon stated to Journalist that Martin Besor, after his return from Lapoint last fall offered to sell him any number of Indian Blankets, whh he (Cash) might be disposed to buy.

List of mid-late 1840s employees at the La Pointe Indian Sub-Agency including James P. Hayes and others.
~ Thirtieth Congress – First Session. Ex. Doc. No. 26. House of Representatives. Persons Employed In The Indian Department. Letter from The Secretary of War, Transmitting a statement of persons employed in the Indian Department. January 26, 1848.

June 22.

Jas. P. Hayes Esq. U. S. Sub Agt. recd his dismission & left in the Schooner Swallow– cause, Intemperance

July.

Fr. Boudrie arrived from Ontonagon with a cask of whiskied Cider– was prosecuted–a search warrant was issued & Peter Vandeventer was deputized to serve it.  Van deventer After allowing abundant time for the service, Mr. Justice Bell & Van Tasell went to the building under search, & detected Van deventer in secreting a part of the cider.  The whole was seized & destroyed by the owner–

Aug 28.

Propeller Independence arrived.  Considerable intoxication among french & Half breeds.

“  29

Schooner Napoleon, Clarke arrived with Govt provisions.  Passengers Hyde, Wolcott & Martell

Some familiar names in the entries for the spring and summer of 1848: Peter Vander Venter was an early American settler at La Pointe.  He married Caroline Morrow, a local girl.  William VanTassell (blacksmith) and Benjamin Smith (carpenter) were Government workers.  This anonymous journal , was probably Smith’s.  There were multiple men named Augustin Cadotte.  John Baptiste Martell’s arrest is covered in Chequamegon History Collections:  DOCUMENTS RELATED TO THE OJIBWE DELEGATION AND PETITIONS TO PRESIDENT POLK AND CONGRESS 1848-1849.

In discharging some bbls. of corn from the Propeller, on bbl. burst, & revealed a number of bottles of Liquor secreted among the Corn.  The bbls were expressed back to the Sault.  They have since been ascertained to belong have shipped by Martell of Sault St Maries.  It was also reported by a passenger on the propeller, that the Napoleon was supposed to have on board a Bbl of Liquor belonging to Wolcott.

A number of Indians are reported to have had liquor about the time the Propeller left.

— An Indian was instigated by a Wht. man named Mills to murder two Americans living on Apple River–liquor was used in carry out Mills’s plans.  The Ind was arrested & Hung, without judicial trial, at the Falls of St Croix.

— Majise shot killed in a drunken frolic on the St Croix.  died next day–

— An old woman had her arm broken at the mouth of the Brule by a drunken son in law–Liquor furnished by Aug. Cadotte.

Sept 11.

Wood Smith & Vantassell Govt men, found 2 Kegs (about 12 [gal]) whiskey near the camp of Fr. Boudrie belonging to him, concealed in the ground–they immediately destroyed it.

6th

The sailboat Flying Indian arrived in the night of [Sunday] [day] last.

Sept 13.

Schooner Algonquin arrived from Sault St. Maries ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Further information about the challenges of enforcing liquor laws at La Pointe can be found in the following:

“A real bona fide, unmitigated Irishman”

Reisen in Nordamerika: From Ontonagon to the mouth of the Bois-brule (Part 3)

1855 Inquest on the Body of Louis Gurnoe

1856 Inquest on the Body of Jerry Sullivan

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Ely, Edmund Franklin, and Theresa M. Schenck. The Ojibwe Journals of Edmund F. Ely, 1833-1849. Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 2012. Print.

Folsom, William H. C., and E. E. Edwards. Fifty Years in the Northwest. St. Paul: Pioneer, 1888. Print.

Paap, Howard D. Red Cliff, Wisconsin: A History of an Ojibwe Community. St. Cloud, MN: North Star, 2013. Print.

Schenck, Theresa M. William W. Warren: The Life, Letters, and times of an Ojibwe Leader. Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 2007. Print.

Special thanks to Dr. Schenck for making this post possible.

 

 

 

 

By Leo

A minority in congress, feeling threatened by a rapidly changing society, seeks to cling to power and preserve white supremacy. To do this, they abuse institutional rules, make a mockery of the democratic process, and bring the Federal Government to a grinding halt. The consequences prove dire. Stop me if you’ve heard this one before.

The year is 1850. The United States is growing rapidly: settling the Oregon boundary dispute, annexing Texas, and taking New Mexico and California from Mexico. In the north, Irish immigrants are flooding into the urban centers and building railroads that will carry German and Scandinavian farmers to the prairies of the West. This leads to Wisconsin’s statehood in 1848, and Minnesota and Oregon don’t seem far behind. The United States seems to be fulfilling its supposed “Manifest Destiny.”

The Ojibwe of Wisconsin and Upper Michigan are largely out of the way of this “progress.” However, they live on lands already ceded by treaty. Despite promises received upon signing that they could stay on this ceded territory, two things are working against that possibility. The most powerful trading interests have relocated from Lake Superior to the Mississippi They want to bring the Ojibwe bands, and the annuity money and government contracts that accompany them, to Minnesota. Secondly, the Office of Indian Affairs in Washington, is riddled with corruption, cronyism, and general incompetence, and still has Indian Removal as the default policy. All things being equal, in the Government’s eyes, the sooner Indians can get out of the way and be replaced with white settlers, the better.

But not all is sunshine and roses with this unparalleled American expansion. After all, Manifest Destiny is not the only white supremacist force in American society. There is also the complicating factor of the South’s “peculiar institution:” slavery.

For the first half of the 19th century, the slave states and their representatives in Congress were mostly left alone. Systemic protections in the Constitution, and a series of compromises to maintain a “balance of power,” alleviated southern paranoia despite the growing population of the industrial north. Abolitionists were still seen as a radical minority, and most northerners didn’t care one way or the other about slavery.

The Mexican War, however, shook up this uneasy union. One could argue that it had been a war for the expansion of slavery, but when the dust settled, only Texas appeared to be reliable ground for the forces of allowing human beings to own one another. Oregon would be free. The Mormon colony at Salt Lake would be free. And scariest, of all, California might be free.

To make matters worse, a faction of “Free-Soilers” was emerging in Congress. While not full-on abolitionists, these northern representatives, like David Wilmot of Pennsylvania and Abraham Lincoln of Illinois, were bold enough to suggest that owning people should be banned entirely in the newly-acquired territories. In response, the southern presses began to talk openly of dissolving the Union, and the forces for enslavement in Washington dug in.

So, on February 6, 1850, when President Zachary Taylor issued the order to remove the Lake Superior Ojibwe to the Mississippi, few in Washington cared. They were preoccupied by another issue. That same month, California adopted a constitution and applied to enter the Union as a free state.

The Compromise of 1850 admitted California to the Union as a free state while forcing the Fugitive Slave Law upon the North. It was designed to avoid civil war, but only delayed it ten years while hardening each sides’ positions. The toxic and dysfunctional debate over the measures, paralyzed Congress and the United States failed to pay its debts to Indian nations, with horrific consequences (Library of Congress).

In theory, it shouldn’t have mattered. Beyond pork projects and nepotistic appointments, Congress and the President rarely took any direct interest in Indian matters, leaving that to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. The Commissioner, in turn, generally delegated responsibility to his superintendents and agents on the frontier. That was how a corrupt territorial governor named Alexander Ramsey and a barely-literate, sycophantic Indian sub-agent named John S. Watrous ended up in charge of the removal.

Ramsey and Watrous are often portrayed as the primary villains of the failed treaty payment that would become known as the Sandy Lake Tragedy. Hundreds Ojibwe people died of disease, starvation, and exposure in the winter of 1850-51. The governor and sub agent deserve plenty of the blame, for sure, but it should be stated that they stood to gain no benefit from death, misery, or failure. Furthermore, they anticipated the catastrophe and tried to warn Washington of the consequences of inadequate food out or if the money were to somehow not arrive.

That September, Watrous would call on the Ojibwe to skip their fall hunts and assemble at Sandy Lake, while he went to St. Louis to pick up the money for the treaty payments. Why did he not get back until late November, and why did he have no money with him? Slavery.

Every year, Congress had to pass appropriation bills in order for the executive branch to perform its constitutionally required duties. This included the obligations of the United States to fulfill its treaty obligations to Indian nations. This was largely a formality before 1850. Every spring, Congress would pass whatever budget the Indian Department proposed, generally without a lot of debate or delay.

1850 was different. As spring turned to summer preparations for removal were underway at La Pointe, but nothing was happening in Washington. The United States Government was absolutely paralyzed by the California Question. Pro-slavery senators and representatives, feeling their power slipping away, resorted to dirty tricks.

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Hartford Courant

4 June 1850.  Pg. 2

SOUTHERN PLANS.

The Washington correspondent of the New York Commercial Advertiser places the plans and plots of the Southern Members of Congress in the following light.

“The primary object of the arrangements is reported to be the rejection of the claims of California to admission upon any terms whatever, and the defeat of all schemes for the organization of governments for the territories which do not contain an express recognition of slavery.

The leading spirits of this movement in the Senate are reported to be Davis of Miss., Mason of Va. Yulee of Fla., Turney of Tenn.  In the House, Clingman of N. C., Inge of Ala., Toombs and Stephens of Ga., and Meade of Va., control and direct the organization.– Seventy-four members of the lower House are claimed as friendly to the proposed course of proceeding, and have, as is alleged, signed a formal agreement to stand by one another in anything necessary to give effect to their designs.

A prominent part of the plan is to prevent the passage of the annual appropriation bills, and if the Northern majority cannot be otherwise overcome, to force an early adjournment.  The appropriations for the current year of course expire at the end of June next.– Some few appropriations, such perhaps as the interest on the public debt, and the instalments annually payable in Mexico, are continued from year to year by permanent enactments, but with these exceptions all the expenditures of Government depend upon appropriations annually renewable.

After the 30th of June, no officer of Government from the President down to the lowest messenger, can receive one dollar in payment of his services, until the disbursement be ordered by Congress.  The case is the same with expenditures for the support of the judiciary, the army, navy and civil list.  They are all dependent for support upon the action of the legislature, under the clause of the Constitution which makes it the duty of Congress to grant supplies and of the executive officers only to make disbursements upon such authorities.”

It is very evident that the ultra slavery leaders came into Congress, this session, with these plans.  There has been, ever since the session commenced, an evident determination, as they were the minority, to hinder the transaction of business, and if they cannot defeat the Proviso and the friends of non-extension, in any other way, to do it by procrastination.  Such was the design of the ultra Southern Whigs, in their refusal to support Mr. Winthrop.  It was believed that months could be spent in delay, but the vote for a plurality choice broke up this plan, and flung the Speakership upon the very man they wished.  Such was the design of the ultra Southern Democrats in their refusal to support Mr. Forney for Clerk.

Business has, in this way, been hindered; nothing has been accomplished; a few trifling bills only have been passed; and the whole subject of slavery in the territories as far from being settled as ever.  It is very probable, likewise, that when the naked question of the admission of California is brought before the House, if it should ever be reached, the scenes of February 18th would be acted over and with success.  In the mean time, one of the latest numbers of the National Intelligencer shows, by its extracts, that uneasiness and agitation has commenced again at the South, and the experienced and shrewd editors of that paper see signs of another storm.  Would that the North were now united; that the opponents of slavery in Congress had no foolish party cliques to please, no mere party aggrandizement to plan, but would all march up to the breach in the walls of liberty, shoulder to shoulder, and accomplish their great object.

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With the end of the fiscal year approaching on June 30th, failure to pass the appropriations bills was tantamount to both a government shutdown and a debt default. Still, the southern hardliners held on to their open obstructionism, trying to prevent California from entering the Union as a free state:

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Hayneville (AL) Chronicle

29 June 1850, Pg. 2

The following article from the Mobile Register breathes the right spirit.  The rights of the minority must be protected in some way; and if the North, who have the majority in the unequal contest now raging between herself and the South, will not do us justice, let the Representatives of the South stop the wheels of government, by resorting to their rights under the rules, and withholding the appropriation bill.  Let this be done, and another effort will have been made to save the rights and honor of the South, without resorting to that “last extremity”–disunion, and he who then charges a disunion spirit upon the South, will charge a falsehood, with the facts of its refutation staring him in the face.

Aside from all this, we think such a course would be apt to result in bringing the North to her right senses.  The great mass of the funds appropriated by the government is expended and disbursed through the Northern States, and seldom a dollar, comparatively speaking ever reaches the South.  It is in fact the great prop of the Northern manufacturers and capitalists, who feed upon the hard-earned substance of the South, and, at the same time, are found vilifying her institutions.  ‘Fo show the shallow hypocrisy of these people, whenever they hear the subject broached before Congress: whenever they hear it hinted that the South will resort to this mode of settling the question, by withholding the appropriation bill, their high wrought philanthropy immediately sinks into non-entity.  The agitation for a time ceases, and the cry is heard going up from every town and village of the North, to their representatives, “Settle the question, settle the question.”

But, again, on the other hand, we of the South would lose nothing by the appropriation bill being withheld.  We gain nothing by it; and therefore are as well off without it as with it.  The South lives, emphatically by herself, and upon her own resources; and in no wise dependent upon a disbursement of the public funds.  Upon the question of benefit to the South arising from a disbursement of these funds, Mr. Clingman, of North Carolina, whose speech upon this subject was one of the most powerful and convincing among the many able speeches of the present session, and a man too who speaks without investigation, holds the following language:

 “The manner of disbursement is also adverse to our interests.  Of the forty odd millions which the Government purposes to disburse this year, I do not believe that five millions will in any way be expended in all the slaveholding States.  North Carolina, for example, is burdened to the extent of not less than four millions, and yet does not get back one hundred thousand dollars in any way from the Government.  The clear loss, in a pecuniary point of view, on account action of the Government, may be set down as not less than three millions annually.–The southern States generally are in the same situation.”

Why should the South hesitate then, to adopt this mode of self-defence, when she loses nothing by it, and when, at the same time, it may be the means of bringing the North to a sense of her duty under the Constitution?  But as remarked by the Register, in the discharge of this duty, beset by so many trials and embarrassments, our members will look for support at home.  This we know they will receive.  Let this mode of baffling the designs of these miserable pseudo-philanthropists, be carried out by the southern members, and they will be greeted by one common should of applause from one end of the southern States to the other:    

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The North had its own hardliners, willing to force California’s statehood at all costs. Though the Free Soilers’ motivations are more understandable to us today, we should acknowledge they were also willing to play games with the process at the expense of keeping the government operating:

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New York Daily Herald

30 June 1850, Pg.4

WASHINGTON, June 28, 1850.

Compromise Caucus in the House

Pursuant to a call published in this morning’s Union, the members of the House, to the extent of some forty odd in number, friendly to the admission of California into the Union, promptly, and disconnected with all other subjects, met in the Hall of the House this evening at eight o’clock.

Mr. Booth (free soiler) of Connecticut, was called to the chair, and Mr. Amos Tuck, N. H., elected secretary.

The chairman briefly stated the object of the meeting to secure by a co-operation of the friends of California, the prompt action of the House to the admission of California into the Union.

Mr. Preston King (free soiler) with a few remarks, introduced a resolution pledging the caucus to support the admission of California to the precedence of all other subjects whatsoever.

Mr. Hugh White, N. Y., was opposed to pledging the caucus to such a course; and contended that in any event the annual appropriations for the support of the government ought not to be entirely set aside, and that it might become necessary to pass them, even of the admission of California.

Mr. Otis, of N. H. took the same view of the subject.

Mr. Giddings felt confident that by the concerted action of the friends of California, and with a determination to push it through, she could be admitted, as far as the House was concerned, in three days; and all that was required was the determination to stick to it, and sit it out.

Mr. Briggs, of New York, concurred in the object of the meeting.  He was in favor of the early admission of California, and though he had been a silent member during the present session, he had paid the most earnest attention to the debates, and was not indifferent by any means to the importance of immediate action.  He was in favor of the admission of California as a separate measure.  Nothing had occurred to change this opinion.  He was in favor of California, free and distinct from any other matter whatsoever.  He had listened to the discussions of the last four or five months attentively, but his mind had undergone no particular change.  It was time that something should be done.  Seven months of the session had been expended, and they had not done more business than should have occupied 30 days.  But there were obstacles still in the way.  He believed that it was the settled determination of the enemies of California, in the House, to arrest any action upon the bill while another bill was pending before the Senate; and as it might be a useless waste of time to contend against such opposition, he thought rather than do nothing in the meantime, it might be as well to act upon the annual appropriations.  Still, he was ready to co-operate with the friends of California, if the bill should be taken up, for her admission, in preference to all other questions.  For the present, he suggested that any decision be postponed till Monday, with a view to a more united expression from a fuller attendance of the the friends of California.

George Briggs (1805-1869), Representative from New York, is a name known in Chequamegon History. Benjamin Armstrong identified him as the man who helped arrange the meeting between Chief Buffalo and President Fillmore in 1852 (Wikimedia)

Mr. Campbell, of Ohio, (free soiler,) was in favor of California, even to the superseding the appropriation bills.  He could not concur with Mr. Briggs in acting upon the appropriations first.  There was no danger on that score.  Whether they were or were not delayed two or three weeks did not make much difference.  Let them go over, for the safest way to secure California is to entertain no other subject till she is admitted.

Mr. Putnam, of New York, offered a resolution, declaring the necessity of the immediate admission of California distinct from all other subjects, and in precedence of all other measures, excepting the annual appropriation bills.  He briefly spoke in support of the resolution, in view of the necessity which might arise to pass the appropriations in advance of action upon California.

Mr. Wilmot of Pa., (free soiler) earnestly urged action upon California as the paramount object.  He was opposed to considering any other subject till that was disposed of; and charged the friends of California with being derelict in their duty, in allowing other matters to supersede that great measure.

Mr. Otis asked in what instance the friends of California had fallen short of their duty.

Mr. Wilmot did not intend to impugn the motives of any man, but referred to the decision of the House on Monday last as a case in point, when they refused to take up the California bill; but went into committee on the bill of land bounties to the soldiers of the last war.

Mr. Otis was satisfied.  He was a young member, and had asked for information, being not as well versed in the rules as the gentleman from Pennsylvania.

Mr. Wilmot maintained that California should take the precedence of the appropriations.  There was no danger of it not passing, however long they might be delayed.  He advised the friends of California to call for the meeting of the House at ten in the morning on the first day in taking up the bill, and that they sit till six P. M., that on the second day they sit till 12 at night, and that on the third day, if the question be not taken, that they continue in session all night, if necessary, and keep at it till it is taken.  Give him the control of the majority of the House, and he could overcome the minority, notwithstanding the rules admit of so many obstructions.

David Wilmot, namesake of the famous Proviso, was the loudest voice in Congress of those unwilling to compromise with enslavers of human beings. However, he clearly underestimated the importance of passing the appropriations on time (Wikimedia).

Mr. Howe, of Pennsylvania, supported the views of Mr. Wilmot.  He was in favor, if necessary, of camping in the House till California is admitted into the Union.

Mr. King withdrew his resolution, and Mr. Putnam so modified his as to declare substantially, that the friends of California would urge her admission as a distinct measure, to the exclusion of all other measures whatsoever.

Mr. Amos Tuck warmly opposing the resolution, denied that the friends of California had been remiss in their duty.  They had done every thing they possibly could do under the rules of the House, crippling their actions in every movement.

Mr. Allen, of Mass. (free soil.) was in favor of California in advance of the appropriations, or after them, if necessary as the caucus might decide.

Mr. Putnam’s resolution, declaring that the friends of California, of the caucus, would contend for her admission till acted upon, in preference to all other measures was finally adopted, with but two or three dissenting voices.

And on motion of Mr. Doty, the caucus adjourned to meet again on Monday next, at 8 P. M.

There were present from the New York delegation this evening, Messrs. Briggs, Hugh White, Putnam, Halloway, Burrows, Schoolcraft, Spalding and Gould, and probably one or two others.

(Your reporter has to say, that he did not hear the caucus was open till too late in the evening to make a full and connected report.  He believes, however, that he has the gist of the proceedings.)

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Further brinksmanship, and President Taylor’s unexpected death, meant it took nearly a month after going over the fiscal cliff before serious debate even started on the appropriations bills. By this point, Watrous and Ramsey had already chosen their new agency site (Sandy Lake), entered into contracts for furnishing provisions and transporting annuity goods, and had notified the Lake Superior Ojibwe bands not to plant gardens because the order to remove to the Mississippi would come any day.

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Baltimore Sun

26 Jul 1850, Pg. 4

[Reported for the Baltimore Sun]

THIRTY-FIRST CONGRESS-1st Session

WASHINGTON, July 25, 1850.

Mr. Bayly, in answer to the inquiry upon the subject, stated that he proposed that the appropriation bills should be taken up in the following order, after the Military Academy bill was disposed of, viz:  1st, The Revolutionary pension bill; 2d, the Navy pension bill; 3d, the Indian appropriation bill; 4th, the Fortification bill; 5th, the bill for the support of the Post-office Department; 6th, the civil and diplomatic bill; 7th, the Navy bill; 8th, the Army bill.

Rep. Thomas H. Bayly, of Virginia, was Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means. He was also an enslaver of human beings (U.S. House)

Mr. Harris, of Illinois, inquired whether if California should be admitted, would it not become necessary to pass an additional appropriation bill, should these bills be passed before her admission

Mr. Bayly –If California should come in as a State, a very small modification of the appropriation bills would be necessary; but if a territorial government merely was provided for California, a new appropriation bill would be necessary.

Mr. Harris –Then it would be better to dispose of the California question first.

Mr. Bayly expressed the hope that gentlemen would not open up a general debate on the appropriation bills which he proposed to take up before the civil and diplomatic bill.  If so, these appropriation bills could be got through in several days.

Mr. Stanton, of Tennessee, was disposed to take the advice of the chairman of the committee on ways and means, in regard to suppressing general debated on certain of the appropriation bills, but in doing so he would like to know something in regard to the time of adjournment.  For the whole debate might be restricted by an order for adjournment, to a day or two, and thus would debate be suppressed entirely.  Our course should be shaped in regard to a general debate upon the probability of an adjournment.

Mr. Bayly said it was not his intention to make any proposition for an adjournment.  As the fiscal year had already commenced, it was important that these bills should be passed without delay.

Mr. Stanton,  What time would it be before the House could adjourn.

Mr. Bayly –So far as the appropriation bills are concerned, we will be in a condition to adjourn on the day on which they shall have passed.  He supposed those bills might be disposed of in two weeks.

Mr. Bissell –If we pass those bills and adjourn, what will become of California?  I am opposed to passing those bills, and thus putting it in the power of Congress to adjourn, until California is disposed of…

These advertisements appeared in this same issue of the Baltimore Sun.

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Washington [DC] Union

14 Aug 1850, Pg. 3

IN CONGRESS OF THE U. STATES.

_____________________________

Thirty-First Congress–First Session.

_____________________________

FRIDAY, AUGUST 2, 1850.

______

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Mr. BAYLY moved to lay aside the subject-matter, and to take up the Indian appropriation bill; and on this motion tellers were called and ordered, when it was agreed to–ayes 98, noes 45.

The Indian appropriation bill being before the committee,

Mr. KAUFMAN moved the rising of the committee to enable him to offer the usual resolution to fix the period for the end of this debate:  not agreed to

Mr. SIBLEY next spoke for an hour, principally in explanation of the condition of Indian affairs in Minnesota, and arguing that it was high time to entirely remodel the whole Indian system of the government.

Mr. MASON addressed the House in reply to Mr. SIBLEY, arguing that no efforts of this government could elevate the red man to the condition of the white.  He held that the negro was also incapable of being educated so as to give him, as a race, the character and qualities of the white man, and criticised with force and severity the efforts of those who labored to force anti-slavery and negro equality on the South.   

After a few remarks from Mr. GIDDINGS in reply to Mr. MASON, the committee rose to enable the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means to offer the usual resolution for closing the debate on the Indian appropriation bill.

Henry H. Sibley, Minnesota Territorial Delegate was one of the primary architects of the Ojibwe removal efforts. He had a large personal and economic stake in making sure the annuity payment could be made (Wikimedia).

Mr. BAYLY then offered a resolution to close that debate in five minutes after the House should again go into committee on the bill:  agreed to.

An ineffectual motion to adjourn over until Monday, when the House should adjourn, was then made.

After which, on motion, the House again went into a Committee of the Whole on the state of Union, and, taking up the annual Indian appropriation bill, amendments thereto were proposed and advocated in five-minute’s speeches by Messrs BAYLY, JOHNSON of Arkansas, CARTTER, EVANS of Maryland, HOUSTON, DUNHAM, FITCH, BISSELL, TOOMBS, CROWELL, THOMPSON of Mississippi, and BROWN of Indian.

The committee next rose, and, after an ineffectual motion to adjourn over until Monday next, the House adjourned.

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Henry Hastings Sibley, Territorial Delegate to Congress for Minnesota, advocated here for a more humane (i.e. assimilationist) Indian Policy for the United States. He had a long career with the American Fur Company, its successor, the Chouteau Fur Co., and in Minnesota politics. For his own Dakota daughter’s sake, he would have felt compelled to defend the humanity of Native people, but his general record on Native issues was not good. He was no fan of Indian cultures, a believer in Manifest Destiny, and above all, a ruthless businessmen. He was one of the primary architects of the Ojibwe removal, and had to have known that blood would be on his hands if the annuity funds for the Ojibwe, Ho-Chunk, and Dakota failed to materialize.

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Alexandria [VA] Gazette

5 Aug 1850, Pg. 2

Indian Appropriation Bill.

In the House of Representatives, on Friday, on motion of Mr. BAYLY, the House resolved itself into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union; and the California bill having been laid aside–ayes 98.  noes 49– the committee took up the bill making appropriations for the current and contingent expenses of the Indian department, and for fulfilling treaty stipulations with various Indian tribes for the year ending June 30, 1851.

Mr. SIBLEY, the delegate from Minnesota, after speaking of the privileges of delegates, proceeded to address the committee on the subject of the Indians and the policy which should be pursued with regard to them.  It was very important, he insisted, that there should always be good commissioners to negotiate treaties:  and the savages should not be left to find out how they have been betrayed and cheated.  Not one treaty in ten has been carried out in good faith.  The evil of this is not confined to the tribes who have been wronged, but is communicated to others, who are kept in check by the superior power of the Government.  The Seminole war, it would be recollected, cost thirty or forty millions of dollars.  A principle should be adopted more in accordance with principles of justice and morality.  The efforts of the Christian missionaries who go among the Indians to civilize them are in effect obstructed by the conduct of the Government.  The Indians doubt the sincerity of its agents.  It is a fallacy that the diminution of the Indians is owing altogether to strong drink.  This is true to a small extent:  but the main reason is, the Indian, having disposed of his land, is cast out as a vagabond.  Some stimulus to industry must be placed before him, and he must have confidence in the faith of the Government.  The first step to be taken for the improvement of the Indians is to extend over them the laws of the United States.  At an early period of the session he proposed to give them those of Minnesota and Oregon, in which he had the concurrence of the delegate from the last named Territory.  He could say, with sincerity, that unless this bill be passed all other plans must fail.  It was the substratum on which all other measures for the amelioration and improvement of the Indians must rest.  If any thing is to be done for them, it must be done now.

Mr. MASON said that as to making the white, red, and black man perfectly equal, he totally despaired.  Nature’s God made the black man, and when it is undertaken to make him equal with the white, by law, an impossibility is attempted.  Our friends in the free States have manifested as great a desire to elevate the position of the African race–the black man–as his friend from Minnesota had to elevate the condition of the red man.  Legislation, in this respect, would have as much effect as the passage of a law to make every variety of birds the same color.

Mr. SIBLEY inquired whether some of the first families of Virginia had not boasted that they had Indian blood in their veins?  John Randolph did, as being a descendant of Pocahontas.

Mr. MASON admitted all that, and that there were most able, eloquent, and patriotic men who descended, in part, from the Indian race:  but would the gentleman say that this is common, or only an exception to the rule?  And then there was a sprinkle of the white man in the exception.  Eloquent, able men may be found among the Indians, but the mass is not of that character.  The gentleman spoke of manual labor schools, for the purpose of educating them.  Now, it is known that they are not formed for labor.  They have no natural disposition to labor, and he did not know whether the white man has.  [Laughter.]

Mr. SIBLEY remarked that the gentleman was much mistaken when he said that the Indians do not labor.  They, as a general thing, labor as much as the white man.  The life of the hunter requires more endurance than the ordinary labor of the white man.

Mr. MASON.  That is a life above all others, suited to the Indians, and it is a labor and endurance of certain character.  Generally, they are averse to labor, and every effort to make them labor, as a mass, is to destroy them.  He then proceeded to contrast the happy condition of the negroes of our own country with those of Africa.  As to putting them on an equality with the white man, the attempt might as well be made to fly without wings.  In the conclusion of his remarks, he spoke of the subjects which now agitate the country, and of the necessity of settling them on a fair and just basis to all parts of the Confederacy.

Mr. GIDDINGS said that the time when Congress ordinarily adjourns had arrived, and he asked gentlemen whether it was not due to themselves and the country that they should now act.  This was all he desired to submit.

Mr. STANLY remarked that if the gentleman and his friends would not discuss the Wilmot proviso, in three weeks the California, Territorial, and other bills could be passed, and all go home.

Mr. GIDDINGS said that, if the questions should come up, he would treat them fairly, would not detain the committee one moment beyond what it was his duty to do, and vote with all possible alacrity.

Mr. BAYLY said that there was not a contested item in the bill.  All the appropriations were to carry out existing treaties.  This being the case, and as two speeches have been made, he moved that the committee rise.

The motion was agreed to:  when Mr. Bayly submitted a resolution, that all debate on the bill shall cease in five minutes after the House shall go again into committee.

Mr. STANTON, of Tennessee, said he did not know how long they were to stay here–perhaps during the fall.  It was necessary they should have rest:  and he proposed that when the House adjourn, it adjourn to meet on Monday next.

The question was then taken, and decided in the negative.

The House again went into committee; and the consideration of the bill making appropriations to defray the expenses of the Indian department, &c., was resumed.

Five minute speeches were made on amendments; and the committee rose without coming to a conclusion, when.

Mr. POTTER moved that when the House adjourn, it adjourn until Monday.  The motion was disagreed to–ayes 41, noes 61.  And

The House adjourned until next day.

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The Delay of Congress.

Congress has been in session eight months, and yet it has not passed a single bill of any consequence.  The neglect to pass the usual appropriation bills, which extend only to the first of July, is perhaps the most shameful evidence of its disregard of public duty.  Many persons having claims upon the government, are now waiting from day to day to have them satisfied, with scarcely any nearer prospect of its being done than there was seven or eight months ago.  This is particularly the case with the wives of seamen in service abroad, whose half pay constitutes, with their own toil, all the dependence of themselves and families.–The scenes at the office of the Navy Agent, are painful to contemplate.  The appropriation has run out, and there is no money to give these poor women, whose husbands so hardly earn the poor pittance they receive.  They have been kept already one month in suspense, causing no doubt an infinite amount of distress and suffering among them.  Of course there is no help for these sufferers.  The members at Washington, who are receiving their eight dollars per day for eight months of worse than idle talk, for much of it is positively mischievous, care very little for others, as long as their own wants are supplied.  But if anything could add to the disgraceful state of things at Washington, it is this robbing of the poor, by withholding from them so long their just earnings.Phil. Ledger.

This advertisement appeared in the very same issue of the Alexandria Gazette.

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As July turned to August, and the government shutdown and debt default entered its second month, the logjam in Washington began to break. This came about with the failure of the centrist “Omnibus Bill” which would have admitted California as a free state, banned the slave trade in Washington D.C., and forced northerners to assist in returning fugitives to their enslavers. The omnibus proved unacceptable to enough northern Free Soilers, and enough southern hardline Democrats, to have no chance. Breaking it into pieces allowed for majorities on each individual measure, but arguably hastened the march toward civil war.

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[Washington D.C.] Southern Press

5 August 1850, Pg. 2


THE COMPROMISE BILL.–From all the indication derived from Washington, this famous measure has shared a merited fate, and is ere this consigned to the tomb of the Capulets.  It has been one of the veriest humbugs of the day.  While its friends professed to herald it forth as the harbinger of peace and tranquility, it contained within itself the very elements of discord and seeds of disunion.  The most extraordinary efforts were used to gild the nauseous pill and make it palatable to the public taste.  But they were mere quack nostrums and fortunately unsuccessful.  The South asked for bread, and out politicians were disposed to give them a stone–for a fish, and they offered them a serpent.  The scheme is now dead, dead as a mackerel, and there is no power to galvanize it into life and being.  The probability is that the bill to admit California into the Union will likewise fail.  We hope the true friends to the South will resist it “at every hazard and to the last extremity.”  All that is required, is that our own people should be united, and they can dictate their own terms to a sordid and reckless majority.Southern Argus, Va.

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The Indian Appropriation Bill had to not only meet the United States’ existing treaty obligations, it also set the agenda and budget for further treaties and removals. It was also a prime target for riders and amendments for congressmen looking to give political patronage. It took several weeks to hammer out the details. It would ultimately include a removal fund for the Lake Superior Chippewa, on top of the regular annuity fund.

Meanwhile, back in Minnesota Territory, sub-agent Watrous finalized details for food to be placed along the removal path and approved licenses for La Pointe-based traders to start trading on the upper Mississippi. All that was waiting was final word from the governor to notify the bands to remove. Ramsey, however, was stuck in limbo. With the government shut down, employees couldn’t be paid, contracts couldn’t be honored, and the annuity funds could not be released. Washington had put him in full command of the removal, but he still wrote them confused if he should proceed. He did not get a clear answer.

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New York Tribune

12 August 1850, Pg. 6

Our Indian Relations– President Fillmore’s Position.

Correspondence of the Tribune

WASHINGTON, Friday, Aug. 9.

The Indian Appropriation bill ought to have been passed long ago, as annuities past due are still unpaid.  This bill is a more important on than is generally supposed, as it contains provisions for extinguishing Indian titles to land in the new Territories.  In the bill just passed, appropriations are made for negotiating treaties with the Indians on the borders of Mexico, in Texas, and in Minnesota.  The rush of emigration to Minnesota requires that the Government get possession of lands as speedily as possible.  It contains over 160,000 square miles, of which only about 15,000 are available.  This is but a small portion of a Territory that must be settled with unparalleled rapidity.  Gov. RAMSEY and HUGH TYLER, Esq. of Penn. are to be the Commissioners for making the treaties in Minnesota, by whom this high trust will be executed with promptness and fidelity.

It is hoped that in future no treaties will be made with stipulations for annuities in tobacco and the worthless baubles which are give to the Indians, at large cost to the Government, as presents.  Such gifts are positively injurious to the Indians, and afford too great opportunity for official harpies to get rich on the appropriations for such purposes.  It is derogatory to the character of the nation, and should be corrected.  If one half the money paid to Indians had been expended for their education and the arts of civilized life, the condition of the red man would have nearly equalled that of the whites, but as long as treaties are made which bequeath all the vices with none of the blessings of civilization, there can be but little hope of elevating them to the industrious and useful pursuits of life.  On this subject, it is believed, The Tribune will not keep silent, as there is but little in the history of our national legislation for the Indians which commends itself to the approval of good men.

If treaties are made hereafter stipulate the payment of tobacco, trinkets and other worthless articles, they should not be ratified; nor should merchandise form any portion of the annuities.  It would be far better not to appropriate money to the Indians than to expend it in a manner that encourages rascality among agents, and vicious tastes and habits among those who should be benefited thereby.  I go for a “proviso” in regard to the mode of expending money for the Indians.

The flames excited in the breasts of the extreme factionists of the South by the timely and judicious message of President FILLMORE are subsiding, as they find it so direct in its reasonings and so national in tone as to render opposition extremely ridiculous.  The President will be sustained with firmness in the position he has wisely taken, and it is generally believed his message will lead to a speedy and satisfactory adjustment of these boundary difficulties, which, after all, constitute the great bone of contention on the questions relating to Slavery.  If this be done promptly, Congress will probably adjourn about the first of October; if not, there will be an interim of a few days only, by which mileage will be paid to the members.

Yours, ARGUS

~~~~~~~~~~~~~  

Indian Appropriations.

The Bill now before the House of Representatives, making appropriations for the current and contingent expenses of the Indian Department, and for fulfilling Treaty stipulations with various Indian tribes, for the year ending June 30, 1851, contains the following items:

PAY OF OFFICERS, &C.

Superintendent Indian Affairs at St. Louis–with the Indian Agents $18,000

Sub-Agents, Interpreters and Clerks 23,150

Buildings at Agencies 2,000

Presents to Indians 5,000

Contingencies 56,500

____________

TO THE TRIBES.

Christian Indians $400

Chippewas of Saginaw 5,800

Chippewas, Menamonies, Winnebagoes and New Call Indians 1,500

Chippewas of Lake Superior and Mississippi 70,800

Chickasaws 3,000

[31 lines omitted from transcription]

Weas 3,000

Chippewas of Lake Superior and Mississippi 4,600

Pottowatamies 32,150

Creeks 1,275

Iowas 1,500

Ottawas and Chippewas 2,412

Wyandots 1,029

Cherokees 1,500

Choctaws 87,200

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Summer dragged on, and the shutdown entered its third month. Tensions in congress stayed high. It was now past time when the session should have adjourned. Individual members wanted to go home, and with eight months of gridlock and the grueling procedural processes necessary to move legislation, the opportunities to press personal grievances proved too tempting.

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[New York] Evening Post

2 September 1850, Pg. 1

CHIVALRY

There were rather characteristic illustrations of chivalry in the House this morning and yesterday.  Mr. Bayly has been desirous of having the Indian Appropriation bill passed.  Yesterday he called it up, a motion which required unanimous consent.  Mr. Sweetser, of Ohio, who sits about three seats removed from Bayly, rose and objected, and of course the motion could not be entertained.  Mr. Bayly hereupon rose from his seat, leaned over towards Mr. Sweetzer, shook his finger at him in a very menacing manner, and said, as I understand, “You are a spiteful little cur,” with some additional epithets not necessary to repeat.

This morning the Chairman of the Ways and Means renewed his motion, and again Mr. Sweetzer rose and objected, and sat down.  Mr. Bayly again rose, precisely as before, shook his finger in the face of Mr. Sweetzer, and said, among other things, “If you ever object to another motion of mine in this House, I will wring your nose, G-d d–n you.”–These words were spoken so loud as to be distinctly heard across the hall, though, of course, they were not intended to go into the debates.  Mr. Sweetzer made a motion with his hand as if he would have thrown an inkstand into the face of his insulter, but Mr. Thompson, of Miss., interposed, and no violence occurred in the House.  Mr. Sweetzer soon after left the House; as he was doing so a friend asked him what he was about to do, to which he replied that he would arm himself, and would then determine.  It was the opinion of every member whom I heard allude to the affair, that the insult on the part of Bayly was so gross, wanton, and intolerable, that, had Mr. Sweetzer had the means to do it, he would have been warranted in summarily taking his life. X.

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Back at Sandy Lake, Watrous began to panic. He wrote Ramsey warning that he had only purchased enough food to cover the bands’ journey to Sandy Lake and for the normal duration of a payment. Furthermore, high water had wiped out most of the rice crop. The sub-agent openly expressed his concern that starvation would ensue if the removal funds or the payment were delayed. Still, the two men were mostly concerned with preserving their own reputations for fiscal responsibility. With no word from Washington on when the funds would be available for pickup, and the Ojibwe ready to split off into small groups for fall hunts, Ramsey and Watrous, decided to force the removal through anyway. Watrous sent word to the bands to assemble at Sandy Lake in early October, where they would be fed and receive the money obligated to them by treaty.

Congress, meanwhile, was working through its backlog of legislation. They passed the various parts of the discarded omnibus bill, separately, in what has gone down in American history as the infamous “Compromise of 1850.” California entered the Union, but the accompanying Fugitive Slave Law would force the north to confront the evils of slavery directly. On September 30th, after three months of default, President Fillmore was finally able to sign the appropriation bills.

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Vicksburg Whig

9 Oct 1850, Pg.2

BY TELEGRAPH

To the N. O. Picayune:

BALTIMORE, Monday, Sept. 30.

Congressional,–The Fortification, the Bounty Land, the Navy and Army Appropriation, the Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation, the Indian appropriation, and the Light House bills, have been slightly amended, passed and signed by the President.

[BY THE WESTERN LINE.]

THE FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW.–LOUISVILLE, October 3.–Mixed meetings of whites and blacks have been held in the city of New York, and in Springfield and Worcester, Mass., denouncing the Fugitive Slave law.  At Springfield, where many runaway negroes have gathered, resolutions have passed to resist the execution of the law at all hazards.


FUGITIVE SLAVE BILL.–The bill for the more easy reclamation of fugitive slaves was signed by President Fillmore on the 18th of August, and is now the law of the land.  We shall shortly publish it.  What a queer was President Fillmore has of displaying “abolitionism!”  He signs territorial bills without the proviso; he keeps appointing Southern men to vacant seats in his cabinet, so as to give the South a majority; and finally he approves of the most stringent fugitive slave bill that the wit of Southern Senators can devise.  “By their works ye shall know them.”  –Natchez Courier.

These advertisements appeared in the very same issue of the Vicksburg Whig.

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On October 6th, with some members of the removal bands already arriving at Sandy Lake, Watrous left for St. Louis. If he hesitated any longer the food would surely run out, and the Mississippi might ice over. In 1850, however, there were no wire transfers or debit cards. Treaty payments were made in coin, and it took time to box up and transport coin. The sub-agent found no funds at St. Louis and returned emptyhanded to Sandy Lake in November–a full month later than the scheduled payment. By that time, the food was gone, and disease had broken out in the crowded camps occupied by thousands of Ojibwe people. The Sandy Lake Tragedy had begun and would still get worse. Estimates vary, but up to four hundred would die senselessly before winter was over.

Historians like to speak of proximate versus ultimate causes. Did World War I begin because a Serbian nationalist assassinated an archduke in Sarajevo, or was it the result of unchecked competition among imperial powers in Europe? The answer is both. The assassination was the proximate, or direct, cause, but the ultimate causes went deeper.

It isn’t difficult to find ultimate causes for why hundreds of Ojibwe people died at Sandy Lake in the winter of 1850-51. One can point to deceptive treaties, a corrupt Indian Department, greedy special interests, and a systematic failure to listen to Ojibwe leadership. However, pinning down the proximate cause has proven harder. We feel compelled to find individual villains who through greed, cowardice, or incompetence committed sins of both omission and commission. Among these are Ramsey, Watrous, Rice, Sibley, Hall, Warren, Oakes, Borup, and others. However, all of those men wanted the annuity money to arrive Sandy Lake, as promised, and stood lose something if it didn’t. So, why didn’t the money materialize? Who is to blame for that?

The American slavery history and Lake Superior history intersect more often than you would think. Chequamegon History has examined this a little in this post, and this post. Did you know that in in the infamous Dred Scott v. Sanford case, plaintiffs Dred and Harriet Scott argued that Harriet should was free because she had been once held at Fort Snelling in the free Wisconsin Territory, by Maj. Lawrence Taliaferro, Indian Agent? Those who have studied early-19th century Ojibwe history will recognize that name (National Park Service)

America’s rapid expansion into a world superpower, spanning from sea to shining sea, was built, in part, on two white-supremacist myths. The first held that white people were destined to inevitably own the lands of North America. Just as inevitably, the Indian nations of those lands must disappear: Manifest Destiny. The second myth held that the statement “all men are created equal” did could not apply to people of African descent, and that somehow one human being could own another in this “new nation, conceived in liberty:” Slavery. It is very obvious that the first myth fits into story of the Sandy Lake Tragedy. The deeper you look, the more obvious it becomes that the second does too.



Paap, Howard D. Red Cliff, Wisconsin a History of an Ojibwe Community ; Volume 1 The Earliest Years: the Origin to 1854. North Star Press of St. Cloud, Inc., 1854.

Satz, Ronald N. Chippewa Treaty Rights: the Reserved Rights of Wisconsin’s Chippewa Indians in Historical Perspective. University of Wisconsin Press, 1997.

Schenck, Theresa M. William W. Warren: The Life, Letters, and times of an Ojibwe Leader. Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 2007. Print.

White, Bruce. "The Regional Context of the Removal Order of 1850," in McClurken, James M. et al., Fish in the Lakes, Wild Rice, and Game in Abundance: Testimony on Behalf of Mille Lacs Ojibwe Hunting and Fishing Rights, James M. McClurken, Compiler. East Lansing, MI: Michigan State University Press, 2000.

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